V  Of 

•I; 


THE 

WAR  AND  AFTER 

Short  Chapters  on  Subjects  of  Serious 
Practical  Import  for  the  Average 
Citizen  from  A.  D.  1915  onwards 

BY 

SIR  OLIVER  LODGE,  F.R.S. 

PRINCIPAL  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BIRMINGHAM 

AUTHOR  OF   "RAYMOND  OR  LIFE   AND   DEATH," 

ETC. 


NEW  YORK 
GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT,  1918. 
BY  GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


TO 

PRESIDENT  WILSON 

AT  ONE  TIME  PRINCIPAL  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY 

THIS  EDITION  IS  DEDICATED  WITH  THE 

ADMIRATION  OF  THE  AUTHOR 


England!  the  time  is  come  when  thou  should'st  wean 

Thy  heart  from  its  emasculating  food; 

The  truth  should  now  be  better  understood; 

Old  things  have  been  unsettled;  we  have  seen 

Fair  seed-time,  better  harvest  might  have  been 

But  for  thy  trespasses;  .  .  . 

England!  all  nations  in  this  charge  agree: 

But  worse,  more  ignorant  in  love  and  hate, 

Far — far  more  abject,  is  thine  Enemy: 

Therefore  the  wise  pray  for  thee,  though  the  freight 

Of  thy  offences  be  a  heavy  weight. 

Oh  grief  that  Earth's  best  hopes  rest  all  with  Thee! 

WORDSWORTH,  Sonnet  XXI 


PREFACE  TO  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION 

THIS  book  was  published  in  1915  at  a  time 
when  events  were  going  hard  for  us.  We 
had  no  adequate  supply  of  munitions,  and 
our  men  had  to  suffer  bombardment  with  severe 
economy  of  retort.  Since  then  things  have 
mended,  the  Nation  has  provided  what  is  necessary 
and  set  its  teeth  in  a  firmer  grip,  but  our  feelings, 
whether  for  friend  or  foe,  have  not  appreciably 
changed,  and  there  is  practically  nothing  in  the 
book  that  need  be  altered. 

Nothing  to  be  changed,  but  something  loud  to 
be  added,  something  that  the  world  is  shouting, 
something  vivid  in  historic  significance.  One  of 
the  great  phases  of  history  is  being  enacted  before 
our  eyes — the  union  of  the  Dominions  and  of  the 
New  and  Old  Worlds,  a  hand-clasp  of  friendliness 
across  the  seas,  a  beginning  of  the  Federation  of 
the  English-speaking  race. 

Welcome,  thrice  welcome,  are  our  brethren  now 
definitely  enrolled  in  an  unselfish  Crusade  for  free- 
dom and  righteousness.  Surely  this  exalteth  a  na- 
tion. Never  was  the  star-spangled  banner  so  glo- 
rious as  when  it  was  unfurled  in  a  vigorous  and 
decisive  effort  to  bring  to  nought  all  that  mean  and 
ugly  preparation,  to  counter  all  that  ruthless  effi- 
ciency, which  sought  by  violence  and  cruelty  to 
dominate  the  earth. 

A  Nation  never  yet  defeated,  nor  likely  to  be 
defeated,  has  after  mature  consideration  and  un- 
exampled patience  done  even  more  than  was  asked 


viii     PREFACE  TO  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION 

or  expected;  it  has  entered  into  the  struggle  as  if 
it,  too,  had  been  endangered,  has  esteemed  no  sac- 
rifice too  great  for  the  nobility  of  the  cause,  and 
now  upholds  on  the  distant  Continent  of  Europe 
the  threatened  freedom  of  mankind.  The  conse- 
quences of  such  an  action  are  not  to  be  estimated 
by  any  one  generation;  they  stretch  beyond  our 
narrow  purview,  and  will  benefit  our  descendants 
a  millennium  hence. 

It  would  surely  be  well  now  for  every  civilised 
nation  to  join  in,  to  bear  at  first  hand  some  of  the 
burden,  to  feel  directly  some  of  the  evil,  of  this 
atrocious  War;  and  thereafter  to  meet  and  decide 
that  civilisation  had  reached  a  point  at  which  state- 
organised  brutality  and  destruction  must  cease, 
that  underground  and  undersea  miscellaneous 
slaughter  with  accompaniments  of  poison  and  filth 
shall  never  more  be  regarded  as  an  endurable 
method  of  settling  international  affairs,  and  that 
never  again  shall  the  discoveries  of  Science  be  pro- 
faned in  this  diabolical  manner. 

If  there  are  special  virtues  cultivated  by  war — 
as  in  old  time  there  certainly  were — we  must  learn 
to  acquire  them  by  other  means.  The  world  is  now 
a  unit  as  it  never  was  before ;  mankind  must  learn 
to  behave  as  one  family  on  this  small  heavenly 
body  that  we  call  the  earth;  the  cultivation  of  in- 
ternational friendliness  and  confidence  and  honour 
must  be  the  permanent  aim  of  every  statesman 
worthy  of  the  name;  and  the  present  ghastly  af- 
front to  the  peaceful  heavens  must  be  the  last. 

To  that  end  our  children  must  strive,  and  may 
God  grant  them  wisdom  and  insight  and  courage 
and  faith. 

LODGE. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  ENGLISH  EDITION 

THE  Workers'  Educational  Association,  and 
other  organizations,  have  provided  or  rec- 
ommended for  their  students  a  large  sup- 
ply of  historical  literature  connected  with  the  war, 
and  it  may  be  hoped  that  much  of  it  is  being  read 
by  those  whose  voting  power — surely  under  some 
strange  providential  guidance — helps  to  control 
the  conduct  of  this  country's  affairs.  But  the  mass 
of  material  is  so  great,  and  the  time  for  reading 
so  short,  that  an  attempt  to  concentrate  attention 
on  special  points  and  to  emphasize  some  of  the 
more  pressing  and  practical  features  of  the  pres- 
ent difficult  but  hopeful  situation,  may  be  useful. 
It  is  with  this  sole  but  very  serious  aim  that  the 
following  chapters  have  been  written. 

As  I  have  no  pretension  to  be  an  historian  I  shall 
often  quote  from  other  writers  when  dealing  with 
historical  facts  and  national  characters.  Of  all 
the  readily  accessible  treatises  dealing  with  the 
crisis,  perhaps  the  most  noteworthy  anticipation 
of  current  events  and  impartial  survey  of  the  na- 
tional characteristics  which  have  led  to  the  present 
outburst  is  contained  in  a  book  called  The  Anglo- 
German  Problem,  written  well  before  the  outbreak 
of  hostilities  and  published  in  1912  by  that  distin- 
guished Belgian,  Dr.  Charles  Sarolea,  Head  of  the 
French  Department  of  the  University  of  Edin- 
burgh. I  shall  quote  a  few  passages  from  this 
book  to  illustrate  the  clear  knowledge  possessed 
by  experts  a  few  years  ago. 


x        PREFACE  TO  THE  ENGLISH  EDITION 

As  to  the  rights  and  wrongs  of  the  diplomacy 
preceding  this  war,  our  own  case  is  so  clear  and 
strong,  and  so  emphasized  by  our  just  and  honour- 
able— but  as  it  turns  out  lamentable — unprepared- 
ness,  that  only  a  few  people  here  and  there,  mis- 
led by  false  statements,  can  require  a  legal  argu- 
ment to  prove  it;  I  do  not  touch  on  this  subject, 
but  note  that  an  able  summing-up  by  a  Swiss- 
American  jurist  exists,  in  a  book  called  The  Evi- 
dence in  the  Case,  by  the  Hon.  James  M.  Beck, 
LL.D.,  of  New  York,  with  a  Preface  by  the  ex- 
American  Ambassador  to  this  country,  Mr.  Choate. 
The  book  was  published  by  Putnam's  Sons  early 
in  1915,  and  is  fiercely  interesting. 

Only  one  other  tract  will  I  mention  here — 
though  from  others  I  may  quote — and  that  is  the 
pamphlet  by  Professor  Gilbert  Murray  entitled 
How  Can  War  Ever  be  Right?  which  I  hope  will 
be  read  by  all  premature  pacifists. 

It  is  highly  desirable  at  the  present  time  to  pre- 
serve our  mental  balance.  We  must,  it  is  true,  de- 
nounce in  measured  terms  the  inhuman  atrocities 
which  have  been  authoritatively  sanctioned  and  en- 
forced on  helpless  victims,  and  the  campaign  of  lies 
and  slander  with  which  neutral  nations  have  been 
affronted  by  diplomatists  to  whom  every  trace  of 
the  saving  sense  of  humour  seems  to  be  denied; 
and  we  must  sorrowfully  admit  that  the  attitude  of 
those  politicians  and  rulers  is  approved  and  fol- 
lowed by  droves  of  misguided  patriots.  Yet  we 
should  earnestly  endeavour  to  distinguish  between 
these  recent  outgrowths  of  unholy  subservience  to 
a  dominating  clique,  and  the  more  permanent  and 
friendly  aspect  of  the  European  nations  with 
which  we  are  at  war.  We  should  bear  continually 


PREFACE  TO  THE  ENGLISH  EDITION      xi 

in  mind — hard  though  it  often  be — the  services  to 
humanity,  and  the  lovable,  friendly,  and  homely 
past  aspects  of  the  majority  of  our  present  foes. 
What  real  quarrel  have  we  with  Austria,  with  the 
peasants  of  Bavaria,  with  the  Rhine  provinces, 
with  Hanover,  or  with  the  down-trodden  Prussian 
Poles? 

To  mention  no  others,  we  actually  have  to  reckon 
the  Tyrolese  among  our  foes  at  the  present  time — 
they  are  furnishing  sharpshooters  to  the  German 
army;  and  in  other  only  less  flagrant  cases  we  are 
being  slain  at  the  call  of  duty  by  those  who  are 
essentially  our  friends.  To  assist  them  in  doing 
their  duty,  which  else  must  be  repulsive,  a  cam- 
paign of  hate  has  been  artificially  fostered.  This 
dementia  is  not  reciprocated,  and  it  would  be  ludi- 
crous were  its  consequences  not  likely  to  be  so  seri- 
ous to  those  of  our  number  who  happen  to  fall 
helpless  into  the  hands  of  a  temporarily  insane  peo- 
ple. 

But,  while  admitting  with  sad  astonishment  the 
terrible  Downfall  in  moral  status  which  has  been 
the  accompaniment  of  half  a  century's  aim  at 
World  Power,  let  us  see  to  it  that  we  remember 
our  own  shortcomings  also;  and  while  proclaiming 
fully  and  fairly  that  they  are  of  a  kind  differing 
toto  ccclo  from  those  with  which  we  are  contending, 
yet  admit  sorrowfully  enough  that  we  might  have 
done  far  better  in  the  past,  and  hope  that  we  may 
have  wisdom  and  resolution  enough  to  do  better 
in  the  future. 

O.  J.  L. 

May,  1915. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface  to  the  American  Edition vii 

Preface  to  the  English  Edition ix 


PART  I :  THE  PAST 

CHAPTER 

I.  The  Great  Age  of  German  Philosophy  3 
II.   German  Characteristics :  Their  Strength 

and  Weakness 10 

III.  Revulsion  Towards  Materialism     .      .  14 

IV.  Revolt  Against  Christianity      ...  22 
V.   Moral  Power  of  Nations      ....  28 

VI.   Modern  German  Philosophy     ...  34 

VII.  A  Conflict  of  Ideals 45 

VIII.  Two  Fallacies 56 

IX.   Germany  and  England:  German  Atti- 
tude " 62 

X.  England  and  Germany:  English  Atti- 
tude         75 

PART  II :  THE  PRESENT 

XL   "S.O.S."    What  is  the  War  for?     .      .  85 

XII.   Material  Efficiency  and  Self-Interest  92 

XIII.  Evil  or  Aggressive  War 103 

XIV.  Savagery 109 

XV.  Non-Resistance  and  Defensive  War  118 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVI.  Christianity  and  Pacifism    .     .     .     .  126 

XVII.   "Love  Your  Enemies" 132 

PART  III :  THE  FUTURE 

XVIII.  The  Outcome 143 

XIX.  On  the  Dulness  of  War,  and  Its  Civilian 

Aspect,  and  on  Effective  Neutrality  149 

XX.  Social  Unrest 156 

XXI.  Industrial  Conditions 166 

XXII.  Social  Reform .  178 

XXIII.  Education  and  Science 190 

XXIV.  Peace  and  Disarmament      ....  203 
XXV.  National  Rearrangement     ....  208 

XXVI.  The  Future  of  Europe 217 

XXVII.  Other  Home  Reforms 227 

XXVIII.  Conclusion 241 

Index  to  Quotations 245 

Index   . 249 


PART  I:  THE  PAST 

Corruptio  optimi  pessima 


In  a  democratic  country  of  thirty-six  millions  it  may  seem  infinitely 
unimportant  what  one  individual  does  or  thinks,  as  compared  with 
what  in  an  autocracy  one  man,  and  that  the  irresponsible  ruler,  does 
or  thinks;  yet  the  fate  of  the  democratic  country  depends  clearly 
enough  upon  the  collective  effect  of  the  views  and  character  of  each 
one  of  her  individual  citizens;  and  whilst  there  is  here  less  danger 
of  a  selfish  policy,  through  the  obvious  difficulty  or  combination  for 
such  an  end,  and  through  the  necessary  conflict  fof  interests,  there  is 
more  danger  of  apathy,  through  each  man  thinking  that  these  things 
are  not  his  concern. — E.  DE  SELINCOURT. 


THE  WAR  AND   AFTER 

PART  I:    THE  PAST 
CHAPTER  I 

THE  GREAT  AGE  OF  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY 

WHY  is  .the  world  so  horrified  at  the  out- 
burst of  savagery  which  has  now  oc- 
curred? Because  it  is  a  blasphemous 
prostitution  of  high  gifts  and  a  dragging  in  the 
mire  of  a  noble  Past.  The  old  Germany  was  full 
of  attraction  for  thoughtful  Englishmen:  it  had 
much  that  was  consoling  amid  the  welter  of  trade 
and  politics  and  business  and  sport  which  seemed 
to  saturate  the  British  atmosphere.  The  peace- 
fully social  and  calmly  learned  surroundings  of 
Germany  were  restful,  and  it  could  really  be  re- 
garded as  a  spiritual  home. 

Briefly  let  me  try  to  illustrate,  by  a  very  few 
extracts  from  German  literature,  the  kind  of  shock 
which  must  have  been  experienced  by  those  who 
have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  Germany  of 
the  past. 

The  greatest  Teutonic  names  in  Philosophy  are 
surely  those  of  Kant,  Fichte,  and  Hegel.  A  few 
short  extracts  from  these  writers  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  peaceful  absorption  in  which  they  lived  and 

3 


4  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

worked,  and  show  how  far  the  country  was  in  its 
greatness  from  the  Prussianized  Germany  of 
to-day. 

Modern  Germany  is  a  young  nation,  and  "may 
be  said  to  have  had  a  sober  youth.  She  has 
been  blamed  for  culpable  absent-mindedness  and 
absorption  in  mystic  speculation,  while  other 
nations  were  stealing  a  march  upon  her  in  ex- 
ploiting the  habitable  world.  I  believe,"  says  J. 
H.  Muirhead,  "that  never  was  she  truer  to  her- 
self." 

In  remote  Konigsberg,  in  Eastern  Prussia, 
on  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  Immanuel 
Kant,  the  first  sentence  of  perhaps  the  greatest 
passage  written  by  him  is  inscribed,  in  which  the 
two  immensities  of  Nature  and  Spirit  are  held  to- 
gether as  for  a  moment  for  men  to  contem- 
plate. 

"Two  things,  the  longer  and  oftener  I  contem- 
plate them,  fill  my  soul  with  ever  new  and  ever 
growing  awe — the  starry  heavens  above  me  and 
the  moral  law  within  me. 

"I  cannot  regard  either  of  them  as  veiled  in 
darkness,  or  as  belonging  to  some  transcendental 
realm  beyond  the  range  of  my  perception.  I  see 
them  before  me.  I  connect  them  directly  with  the 
consciousness  of  my  own  being. 

"The  first  of  them  begins  from  the  position  I 
occupy  in  the  world  of  sense.  It  extends  my  con- 
nexion therewith  into  an  immeasurable  space — 
with  world  upon  worlds  and  systems  upon  systems 
— with  the  boundless  time  of  their  periodic  motions, 
their  beginning  and  their  duration. 

"The  second  begins  from  my  invisible  self,  from 
my  personality.  It  places  me  in  a  world  which 


GREAT  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  5 

has  true  infinitude,  whose  outlines  only  the  under- 
standing can  trace,  and  with  which  my  connexion 
is  not  merely  accidental,  as  it  is  with  the  world 
of  sense:  my  relation  to  it  is  universal  and  neces- 
sary. 

"The  vision  of  the  first  nullifies  my  importance. 
I  am  but  a  brute  creature,  which  has  borrowed  the 
material  of  which  it  is  made,  and  must  give  it  back 
again  to  the  planet  on  which  it  lives — the  planet 
itself  hardly  more  than  a  speck  in  the  vast  universe. 
But  the  vision  of  the  second  raises  my  worth  be- 
yond all  limitations.  It  exhibits  me  as  a  being 
which  has  mind,  and  is  endowed  with  personality. 
In  me  is  revealed  the  moral  law,  which  shows  me 
independent  of  all  animality  and  of  the  whole 
world  of  sense,  accepting  neither  conditions 
nor  bounds  but  pointing  onwards  to  infini- 
tude." 

And  Sir  Henry  Jones,  commenting  on  this  pas- 
sage and  on  the  philosophy  of  Kant  generally,  in 
his  Provincial  Assembly  Lecture  1912,  on  "The 
Immanence  of  God  and  the  Individuality  of  Man," 
writes  thus: — 

"The    world     of     sense     is     now    being    re- 
valuated:    the   whole   scheme,   including  man,   is 
being  interpreted  anew.     It  is  maintained,  with 
a  confidence  which  is  growing,  that  sense  and  the 
things    of    sense,     and    the    whole    scheme    of 
finitude,  do  not  obscure  but  reveal  the  eternal  veri- 
ties.    The  temporal  is  not  secular  any  more,  nor 
is  there  anything  in  this  wide  world  which  is  com-  j 
mon  and  unclean;  unless,  alas!  man  has  made  it| 
so." 

Such  philosophy  is  by  no  means  barren;  and,  as 
a  practical  outcome,  a  friendly  and  co-operative 


6  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

federation  of  humanity  is  looked  forward  to  as  an 
ideal  for  the  future. 

Professor  J.  H.  Muirhead  tells  us,  in  his  ad- 
mirable little  book  German  Philosophy  in 
Relation  to  the  War,  that  "there  dawned  upon  Kant, 
not  as  in  the  Middle  Ages  as  a  theological  dogma 
or  as  a  legal  speculation,  nor  as  with  some  mod- 
erns as  a  poetic  dream,  but  as  a  consequence  of  a 
mature  philosophical  conviction,  the  possibility  of 
a  peaceful  federation  of  States,  which  should  re- 
place the  present  transitional  phase  of  armed 
violence  tempered  by  partial  and  precarious 
treaties." 

It  was  this  idea  that  he  worked  out  in  his  old 
age  in  the  short  essay  on  Eternal  Peace.  He 
there  sets  out  in  the  form  of  preliminary  and 
definitive  articles  the  conditions,  negative  and 
positive,  of  such  a  peace.  "No  treaty  of  peace 
can  be  a  real  one  which  is  made  with  the  secret 
reservation  of  material  for  a  future  war."  No 
independent  State  (great  and  small  are  here  the 
same)  shall  be  acquired  by  another,  by  inherit- 
ance, exchange,  purchase,  or  gift.  Standing 
armies  shall  in  time  cease.  No  public  debt  shall 
be  contracted  for  purposes  of  external  action. 
No  State  shall  forcibly  interfere  with  the  Con- 
stitution or  Government  of  another  State.  No 
State  at  war  with  another  State  shall  commit 
such  hostile  acts  as  must  make  mutual  trust  im- 
possible in  a  future  condition  of  peace.  He 
denounces  assassination,  poisoning,  breaches  of 
capitulation,  and  attempts  to  make  use  of 
treachery  among  the  enemy;  and  he  adds  a 
warning  against  "punitive  wars"  between 
States,  as  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  political 


GREAT  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  7 

right.  All  these  things  are  the  destruction  of 
trust  between  nations.  If  practised  and  per- 
sisted in  they  can  only  end  in  a  war  of  exter- 
mination and  "the  kind  of  eternal  peace  that 
would  be  found  in  the  great  graveyard  of  the 
human  race." 

"The  fact,"  says  Kant,  "that  the  sense  of  com- 
munity among  the  peoples  of  the  earth  has  gone 
so  far  that  the  violation  of  right  in  one  place 
is  felt  everywhere,  has  made  the  idea  of  a  citi- 
zenship of  the  world  no  fantastic  dream,  but  a 
necessary  extension  of  the  unwritten  code  of 
States  and  Peoples." 

To  those  who   regard  attempts   at  permanent 
international  friendship  as  hopeless  and  Utopian, 
Muirhead  would  reply   that   "the   essential  prin- 
ciple on   which   we  are   to   go   in   all   politics   is 
that   the   practicable   is   to   be   measured   by   the 
right,  and  not  the  right  by  the  practicable.     We  | 
must  gradually  learn  to  say  in  politics  as  in  morals,  I 
'I  ought,  therefore  I  can/  ' 

This  also  is  the  view  taken  by  one  of  Ger- 
many's greatest  philosophers: — 

"The  binding  cord,"  writes  Hegel,  "is  not  force, 
but  the  deep-seated  feeling  of  order  that  is  pos- 
sessed by  us  all."  He  has  no  words  strong 
enough  to  denounce  von  Haller — the  von 
Treitschke  of  his  time,  who  had  written :  "It  is  the 
eternal  unchangeable  decree  of  God  that  the  most 
powerful  must  rule,  and  will  for  ever  rule,"  and 
who  had  poured  contempt  on  the  national  liberties 
of  Germany  and  our  own  Magna  Charta  and  the 
Bill  of  Rights  as  "mere  documentary  liberties." 
In  all  this,  Hegel  says,  Haller  has  confused  the 
force  of  right  with  the  right  of  force.  "The 


8  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

power  he  means  is  not  the  power  of  the  right, 
but  the  power  of  the  vulture  to  tear  in  pieces  the 
innocent  lamb." 

j      "War  is  not  the  sequel,   it  is  the   failure  of 
f  politics.     The   sequel   of   politics   is   art,   science, 
religion — all   that   goes   to   make   what   Aristotle 
called  the  good  life — for  the  full  development  of 
which  the  State  is  the  essential  condition.     But 
the  State  is  far  from,  supreme.     Above  and  be- 
yond the  State  there  is  the  spirit  of  the  World, 
which   is   also   the   spirit  of   God,   before   which 
all  things  are  judged:     The  history  of  the  world 
Jis  the  judgment  of  the  world"  (a  saying  usually 
'attributed  to  Schiller). 

Wherefore,  says  Hegel  again,  looking  forward 
to  the  future,  "let  us  together  greet  the  dawn  of 
a  better  time,  when  the  spirit  that  has  hitherto 
been  driven  out  may  return  to  itself  again,  and 
win  room  and  space  wherein  to  found  a  kingdom 
of  its  own." 

And  so  once  more  back  to  the  anticipation  of 
Kant:— 

"We  may  reasonably  hail  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven  as  soon  as  ever  the  principle  haG  taken 
root  generally  in  the  public  mind  that  the  efforts 
and  creeds  of  the  Churches  should  all  point  in 
one  direction — all  have  one  aim — a  Divine  com- 
munity upon  this  earth.  For  this  principle, 
because  it  is  the  motive  force  of  a  continual 
striving  towards  perfection,  is  like  a  seed  that 
grows  up  and  produces  other  seed  like  itself;  and 
thus  contains  implicitly  the  whole  fabric  which 
will  one  day  illuminate  and  rule  the  world." 

Finally  let  us  quote  the  aspiration  of  Fichte, 


GREAT  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  9 

whereby  he  encouraged  his  Nation  to  strive  to- 
wards this  great  end: — 

"All  ages,  all  the  wise  and  good  who  have  ever 
breathed  on  this  earth,  all  their  thoughts  and 
aspirations  after  a  Highest,  mingle  in  these  voices 
and  surround  you,  and  raise  supplicating  hands 
to  you.  Even  Providence,  if  one  may  say  so, 
and  the  Divine  plan  of  the  world  in  the  creation 
of  a  race  of  man,  which  indeed  only  exists  that 
it  may  be  taken  into  men's  thoughts  and  brought 
to  reality  by  them,  pleads  with  you  to  save  its 
honour  and  its  very  being." 

To  us  and  the  Allies  these  words  might  be 
addressed  to-day.  Alas!  only  a  lunatic  would 
now  address  them  to  Germany. 


CHAPTER  II 

GERMAN   CHARACTERISTICS! 
THEIR  STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS 

HOW  are  we  to  understand  the  strange  dif- 
ferences of  aim  and  outlook  between  the 
Germans  and  ourselves?    An  enlightening 
article  by  Baron  von  Hugel  in  a  magazine  called 
The    Quest    for    April    1915    is    of    considerable 
help.     He  speaks  of  the  German  thirst  for  theory, 
and  of  the  English  contrary  habit  of  shrinking 
from   all   systematic   thought,   as   specially   char- 
acteristic : — 

"Theory,  system  (Weltanschauung),  is,  for  the 
average  Englishman,  something  that  instantly  puts 
him  ill  at  ease,  or  at  least  something  that  he  dis- 
believes and  avoids;  for  the  German,  it  is  in  his 
very  blood.  ...  It  is  this  innate  need  of  sys- 
tem that  renders  the  German  steady,  but  also 
obstinate;  virile  and  brutal;  profound  and  pedan- 
tic; comprehensive  and  rich  in  outlook,  and  ration- 
alist and  doctrinaire." 

Germany  must  be  considered  a  sentimental 
nation.  The  feeling  of  patriotism  is  allowed 
a  good  deal  of  sentimental  expression.  They 
seem  to  have  but  little  faculty  of  self-criticism; 
or  perhaps  it  is  the  absence  of  any  sense  of  humour 
that  enables  them  to  say  and  sing  things,  at  meet- 

10 


GERMAN  CHARACTERISTICS  11 

ings  and  suppers  and  smoking  concerts,  which 
trend  perilously  near  balderdash.  An  Irish  gath- 
ering of  the  same  kind  is  less  sentimental  and 
more  amusing. 

The  Kaiser's  speeches  are  typical  of  this  sort 
of  attitude,  and,  though  rather  fine,  would  be 
impossible  to  any  one  who  realized  that  he  was 
on  the  verge  of  making  himself  ridiculous. 

The  ethnologist  Dr.  A.  H.  Keane,  in  The  Living 
Races  of  Mankind,  writes: 

"All  admit  that  the  German  is  capable  of  a 
deep  love  of  nature,  of  rare  poetical  feeling, 
and  devotion  to  any  cause  he  may  have 
embraced.  [But]  he  is  easily  led  into 
extremes,  genuine  sentiment  becomes  over-sen- 
sitive, anger  rises  to  fury,  resentment  to  ran- 
cour and  hatred,  in  the  pursuit  even  of  noble 
ideals." 

Imperial  enthusiasm,  however  legitimate,  always 
seems  liable  to  lead  to  exaggeration  and  to  a 
trampling  on  the  rights  of  others.  So  Germanic 
enthusiasm  has  been  misled,  warped,  and  made 
harmful  by  the  dominating  influence  of  Prussia 
in  practical  politics;  advantage  has  been  taken  of 
current  sentiment,  and  it  has  been  applied  in 
practice  with  untoward  and  bombastic  and  es- 
sentially stupid  results.  The  nation  has  submitted 
itself  unduly  to  the  Prussian  spirit,  but  we  can 
trust  that  the  general  German  characteristics  will 
eventually  overcome  this  same  evil  spirit — "a 
spirit,"  says  von  Hiigel,  "not  confined  to  Germany, 
and  which  is  even  more  the  enemy  of  the  German 
soul  than  it  can  ever  be  of  our  own  military 
peace." 

The  difficult  thing  to  understand,  he  goes  on 


Ifc  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

to  say,  is  the  thorough  and  "apparently  life-and- 
death  allegiance  of  a  people,  not  only  highly  edu- 
cated and,  in  the  professional  classes,  mostly 
awake  even  unto  scepticism,  but  also,  surely,  in- 
curably idealistic  and  mystical,  to  so  thoroughly 
cold  and  calculating,  mechanical  and  cynical,  a 
system  as  is  the  Prussian  Realpolitik,  with  its  con- 
ception, and  largely  its  practice,  of  a  frankly  un- 
moral statesmanship. 

"All  men,  at  least  here  in  England,  see  and 
know  that  this  frankly  Machiavellian  policy, 
originally  special  to  the  Prussian  militarist 
school,  is  now  practised,  inculcated,  systema- 
tized and  assumed  by  Germany  (in  so  far  as 
Germany  now  operates  as  a  determining, 
political,  diplomatic,  and  military  power)  with 
a  deliberation,  preparedness,  persistency,  and 
ruthlessness,  both  towards  its  own  German  in- 
struments and  towards  its  non-German  oppo- 
nents, unmatched,  on  such  a  scale  and  amidst 
such  civilized  peoples,  throughout  the  annals 
of  the  world." 

The  veneer  of  civilization  quickly  peels  off  an 
upstart  race  and  shows  the  barbarian  beneath. 
This  is  always  liable  to  happen  amid  the  stress 
of  war,  but  it  is  usually  kept  in  control  by 
higher  authority.  In  the  present  case,  however, 
there  is  no  higher  authority.  The  veneer  of 
Prussian  civilization  was  so  thin  it  peeled  off 
before  the  war  began,  and  the  brutalities  were 
contemplated  beforehand,  and  gloated  on,  and 
carried  out,  not  in  defiance  of  authority,  but  at 
its  dictation. 

In  an  atmosphere  of  this  kind,  Peace  Con- 
ferences and  all  humanitarian  talk  must  indeed 


GERMAN  CHARACTERISTICS  13 

have  seemed  absurd,  and  must  have  been  en- 
couraged from  cynical  motives.  By  laying  real 
restrictions  on  ourselves,  and  getting  the  bar- 
barian occasionally  to  assent  to  them  in  words, 
we  were  virtually  playing  his  game.  We  should 
not  attempt  such  a  thing  if  we  were  contemplat- 
ing a  battle  with  savages;  and,  most  unexpected- 
ly, it  is  a  battle  with  savages  that  we  are  en- 
gaged in — though,  unfortunately,  savages  with 
all  the  tools  and  weapons  and  ingenious  devices 
of  civilization.  Their  will  to  use  them,  moreover, 
for  the  slaughter  and  torture  of  their  fellow-man, 
is  sustained  and  intensified  and  made  utterly  un- 
scrupulous by  a  heathen  religion  and  a  false  phil- 
osophy. The  whole  civilized  world  should  rise  in 
unison  against  a  foe  to  humanity  of  this  diabolical 
character. 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  fact  is  that  Philosophy  has  a  much  I 
more  effective  influence  on  conduct  than  I 
is  generally  in  this  country  supposed.  It 
may  not  be  known  by  that  name;  people  may 
imagine  that  they  have  no  particular  philosophy 
of  life;  but  practically  they  have,  and  unless  they 
are  mere  drifting  casuals  they  cannot  avoid  having 
one — though  its  formulation  is  a  subject  for  pro- 
fessors, f  And  any  country  in  which  as  a  body 
the  educated  class  loses  its  independence  and  be- 
comes subservient  to  State  officialism  is  in  a 
parlous  condition;  the  blind  are  then  led  by  those 
whose  eyes  are  bandaged.  ^ 

It  may  be  thought  that  to  associate  recent 
German  conduct  with  materialistic  philosophy  or 
with  a  philosophical  revolt  of  any  kind  is  far- 
fetched and  absurd.  It  is  not  so.  But  to  make 
the  position  clear  may  require  a  little  technical 
argument.  Ideas  are  not  remote  and  inert  things, 
but  are  living  forces  in  the  minds  of  men,  con- 
tinually influencing  character  and  expressing 
themselves  in  action. 

So  now,  as  J.  H.  Muirhead  has  well  said,  "What 
we  see  confronting  each  other  throughout  the 
world  are  not  so  much  armed  hosts  of  men  as 

H 


REVULSION  TOWARDS  MATERIALISM      15 

opposing  ideals  of  life  that  have  their  root  in 
divergent  "theories  as  to  the  inner  make  of  the 
universe  and  as  to  human  destiny  in  it.  ... 
These  things  have  come  upon  us,  not  because 
German  thought  has  been  faithful  to  its  great 
philosophical  tradition,  but  because  it  has  broken 
away  from  its  spirit  and  falsified  its  results.  It 
is  a  story,  not  of  a  continuous  development,  but  \ 
of  a  reaction — a  great  rebellion  and  apostasy."  1 

MATTER  AND  SPIRIT 

There  are  two  main  aspects  of  the  physical 
universe — matter  on  the  one  hand,  the  ether  of 
space  on  the  other.  For  all  practical  purposes 
they  are  distinct,  though  doubtless  ultimately  re- 
lated. Though  distinct  in  being,  they  are  inti- 
mately connected  in  function;  and  all  activity 
consists  in  the  transference  of  energy  from  one 
to  the  other,  and  back  again.  Static  energy  | 
belongs  to  the  ether,  kinetic  energy  belongs  to  \ 
matter;  and  in  every  case  of  activity,  when  work 
is  done,  energy  is  transmuted  from  static  to  ki- 
netic or  from  kinetic  to  static;  and  at  the  same 
time  it  is  transferred  from  ether  to  matter  or 
from  matter  to  ether. 

Alternations  sometimes  go  on  rapidly — many 
times  in  the  hundredth  of  a  second;  while  in 
other  cases  energy  is  stored  in  one  or  other 
form  for  millions  of  years.  The  ultimate  nature 
of  both  forms  of  energy  is  probably  unknown, 
but  if  either  is  higher  and  more  fundamental  \ 
than  the  other,  it  must  be  the  kinetic  form;  and 
the  static  may  ultimately  be  explicable  as  an 
aspect  of  that.  Take  this  apparent  digression  as 
a  parable. 


16  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

,  There  are  likewise  two  aspects  of  the  Universe 
J,  as  a  whole.  There  may  be  many  more,  but  there 
are  at  least  two — the  material  and  the  spiritual 
— and  all  human  existence  depends  on  the  inter- 
action of  these  two.  A  right  appreciation  of 
the  universe  will  attend  to  both  these  aspects. 
Wisdom  lies  in  appreciating  them  both  at  their 
true  value  and  recognizing  due  proportion  be- 
tween them.  If  either  is  dominant,  surely  it 
should  be  the  higher — it  should  be  spirit,  mind, 
intelligence,  soul;  which  are  not  material  things, 
but  which  utilize  material  things  for  their 
manifestation.  Spirit  and  Matter  appear  to  be 
distinct,  though  presumably  they  are  ultimately 
related;  and  the  activities  that  we  call  life 
and  mind  depend  on  their  connexion,  or 
interaction,  through  nerve  and  brain  mechan- 
ism. 

The  key-note  of  the  material  universe  is 
recurrence — operation  ._  in  cycles — the  atoms 
going  through  various  changes,  but  ultimately 
returning  to  their  initial  state; — a  cycle  of 
transformation  which  may  be  simply  typified 
by  the  evaporation  of  water  from  the  sea  and 
its  condensation  again  as  rain.  Or  again,  as 
another  example,  we  may  adduce  the  storage 
of  atmospheric  ingredients  in  vegetation  under 
the  influence  of  sunshine, — in  the  form  it  may 
be  of  timber  or  of  coal, — and  their  subsequent 
release  during  combustion:  the  same  molecules 
being  hereafter  again  acted  upon  by  solar 
radiation  in  the  leaves  of  plants,  and  stored  as 
vegetable  tissue  once  more.  In  all  such  cases 
we  see  a  cycle  of  recurrence,  the  atoms  and  the 


REVULSION  TOWARDS  MATERIALISM      17 

material  universe  generally  being  fixed  and  un- 
progressive. 

Even  in  the  sea,  we  are  now  taught  that 
sunshine  is  effective  towards  life.  The  sea 
harvest  is  only  second  in  value  to  the  land  harvest. 
Animal  life  can  only  feed  upon  vegetable,  it  can- 
not directly  assimilate  material  from  the  mineral 
kingdom;  and  vegetation  itself  can  only  do  so 
under  the  influence  and  with  the  aid  of  the  energy 
of  sunlight.  Thus,  as  Professor  Herdman  points 
out  with  reference  to  marine  organisms,  they 
rise  through  the  chain — Inorganic  molecules. 
Diatoms  or  seaweed,  Copepoda,  Sprat,  Whiting, 
Cod,  Man; — and  then  fall  back  to  lower  organ- 
isms and  unorganized  molecules  once  more, 
descending  through  the  agency  of  Bacteria  to 
diatoms  and  debris;  a  never-ending  cycle  of 
changes. 

And,  even  without  special  knowledge,  Recur- 
rence in  the  physical  world  is  a  commonplace  of 
observation.  Day  and  night  succeed  one  an- 
other, and  summer  and  winter;  while  live  things 
go  on  growing,  reaching  maturity,  and  then  de- 
cay. The  material  parts  of  these  also  go  through 
a  cycle  of  changes,  like  seed  time  and  harvest 
and  seed  time  again;  but  running  through  the 
organic  world  there  is  a  soul  which  ages  with 
the  times;  the  experience  of  the  race  is  stored 
in  mysterious  fashion;  and  instincts — the  growth 
of  ages — excite  our  wonder.  The  soul  of  man  I 
grows  onward,  never  in  closed  curves :  it * 
is  as  old  as  time  itself.  In  grief  and  in  sor- 
row, aye  and  also  in  love  and  in  joy,  the  world 
groweth  old. 

Thus   the   keynote   of   the   psychical    universe 


18  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

is  progression; — movement  in  spirals  it  may  be, 
but  not  recurrent,  not  cyclical.  What  may  be 
called  life,  or  the  soul,  utilizes  matter  to  ad- 
vance, to  go  through  a  real  process  of  evolution. 
The  material  is  the  instrument  by  aid  of  which, 
or  rather  through  the  passive  opposition  of 
which,  it  rises;  rising  in  the  very  act  of  over- 
coming inherent  difficulties  and  inertia-like  ob- 
struction. We  ourselves  utilize  matter — the  mat- 
ter of  this  planet,  ''the  dust  of  the  earth," — 
for  the  purpose  of  manifesting  ourselves,  our 
own  personality,  our  own  thoughts,  our  own 
identity;  which  are  not  material,  but  which 
utilize  matter  and  make  it  subservient  to  our 
needs. 

This  is  conspicuously  done  by  all  artists. 
An  artist  is  one  who  is  specially  skilful  in 
utilizing  matter  for  purposes  of  thought,  of 
beauty,  of  something  which  he  cannot  other- 
wise convey  to  the  rest  of  mankind.  He  ar- 
ranges pigments,  or  he  carves  stone,  or  he 
erects  a  building,  or  he  makes  black  marks  on 
paper;  and  the  result  is  a  painting,  a  statue, 
a  cathedral,  a  poem,  or  an  oratorio.  The 
music  has  to  be  incarnated  in  order  to  be  ap- 
preciated; the  poem  has  to  be  heard.  In  itself, 
as  recorded,  in  its  material  aspect  alone,  it  is 
nothing  but  black  marks  on  paper;  and  in- 
deed the  picture  is  nothing  but  cunningly  ar- 
ranged chemical  material — pigments;  and  yet 
what  a  soul  is  there  displayed,  what  emotions 
are  there  exhibited!  The  thought  of  the  artist, 
the  emotion  of  the  artist,  is  called  out,  not 
in  the  matter,  but  in  the  receptive  soul  which 
has  the  potentiality  for  thoughts  and  ideas  akin 


REVULSION  TOWARDS  MATERIALISM     19 

to  his   own;   and   thus   is   conveyed   to   all   suc- 
ceeding generations   something  which   the  world 
will   not   willingly   let   die.     Thought   is   creative  [ 
— genuinely    creative — in   the    sense   of   bringing  I 
into    existence    things    which    without    it    would 
not   have    been — things    which    are    new    to    the 
universe ; — and   matter    is    the   vehicle    in    which  l 
the     thought     is     incarnate     and     made     mani-  i 
fest. 

The  obstruction  which  matter  offers  to  the 
artist  enables  him  to  put  forth  effort,  calls  for 
effort  on  the  part  of  all  of  us.  We  live  in  a 
world  where  things  are  not  easy.  This  utiliza- 
tion of  matter  is  not  easy. ;  matter  is  obstruc- 
tive; it  has  inertia.  Difficulties  have  to  be 
overcome,  and  this  is  good  exercise  and  train- 
ing. The  result  is  evolution — the  rising  on 
stepping-stones  of  matter  to  higher  things.  The 
outcome  of  all  the  interaction  is  Life,  more  Life, 
more  fullness  and  completeness  and  elevation  of 
Life. 

But  there  is  always  a  danger  lest  the  material 
become  dominant  and  overpower  the  spiritual, 
whose  very  existence  may  be  denied.  For  just 
as  in  the  physical  universe  matter  is  obvious  and 
insistent  to  our  senses:  whereas  the  Ether,  no 
matter  how  substantial  it  may  really  be,  is  in- 
tangible and  elusive,  so  that  its  existence  is 
disbelieved  in  and  denied  by  the  specifically 
scientific  philosophy  of  modern  German  physicists ; 
so  it  is  also  in  the  larger  scheme  to  which 
these  things  are  an  allegory.  Our  present  sense 
organs,  inherited  from  a  long  animal  ancestry, 
are  framed  for  the  material  aspect  of  things. 
Anything  beyond  that  is  a  matter  of  inference, 


20  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

and  by  untrained  or  unreceptive  persons  may 
readily  be  disbelieved  in.  A  whole  nation  may 
go  astray  in  this  direction,  and,  by  over-em- 
phasizing the  material,  may  lose  the  spiritual 
sense  altogether;  and  may  prostitute  science  to 
the  sheer  meaningless  destruction  of  works  of 
Art  and  of  everything  held  sacred  by  hu- 
manity. 

The  purely  material  aspect  of  the  Universe 
has  been  preached,  not  indeed  by  the  great 
philosophers, — far  otherwise  in  their  case, — but 
by  the  modern  smaller  men  who  have  revolted 
from  the  German  philosophy  of  the  great  time. 
How  far  the  bastard  materialistic  philosophy 
of  Haeckel  has  taken  root  in  Germany  I  do  not 
know;  but  I  know  that  it  has  far  too  much 
power  among  the  classes  struggling  for  educa- 
tion in  this  country, — among  whom  are  some 
who  have  been  seeking  to  indoctrinate  them- 
selves and  their  fellows  with  the  foolish  para- 
doxes of  "determinism,"  wherein  people  are  sup- 
posed to  be  automata — guiltless  of  all  blame  what- 
ever they  do.  Fortunately  the  consequences — 
the  fruits — of  a  merely  mechanical  philosophy 
have  now  become  conspicuous. 

The  possibility  of  such  a  reversal  of  the  process 
of  evolution  has  been  anticipated  by  Professor 
Bergson : — 

"What  would  happen,"  he  asks,  "if  the  moral 
effort  of  humanity  should  turn  in  its  tracks  at 
the  moment  of  attaining  its  goal,  and  if  some 
diabolical  contrivance  should  cause  it  to  produce 
the  mechanization  of  spirit  instead  of  the  spirit- 
ualization  of  matter?  There  was  a  people  pre- 
destined to  try  the  experiment." 


REVULSION  TOWARDS  MATERIALISM     %l 

The  material  progress  of  such  a  people  has 
altogether  outstripped  and  overpowered,  or 
negatived  and  reversed,  their  spiritual  advance. 
"The  idea,  peculiar  to  the  nineteenth  century, 
of  employing  science  in  the  satisfaction  of  our 
material  wants,  has  given  a  wholly  unforeseen 
extension  to  the  mechanical  arts,  and  has  equipped 
man  in  less  than  fifty  years  with  more  tools  than 
he  had  made  during  the  thousands  of  years  he 
had  lived  on  the  earth.  Each  new  machine  being 
for  man  a  new  organ — an  artificial  organ  which 
merely  prolongs  the  natural  organs — his  body 
has  become  suddenly  and  prodigiously  increased 
in  size,  without  his  soul  being  able  at  the  same 
time  to  dilate  to  the  dimensions  of  his  new 
body." 

There  has  always  been  a  sort  of  nightmare 
that  some  day  mechanism  would  get  the  upper 
hand  and  begin  to  enslave  humanity.  Well,  we 
must  take  care  that  it  does  not.  We  must  take 
warning  by  the  German  downfall,  and  must  re- 
turn, as  our  leaders  have  returned,  to  the  theory 
and  practice  of  a  more  idealistic  philosophy. 


CHAPTER  IV 

REVOLT    AGAINST    CHRISTIANITY 

BUT  not  against  idealistic  philosophy  only 
has  there  been  a  revolt;  we  have  seen  also 
a  Teutonic  revulsion  against  Christianity. 
Among  the  latest  of  European  nations  to  receive 
it,  they  doubtless  tried  hard  to  assimilate  it, 
and  on  the  whole  must  be  said  to  have  failed: 
failed  only  temporarily  no  doubt,  but  seriously. 
It  is  felt  to  be  a  foreign  religion,  essentially 
alien  to  the  German  mind.  For  their  doctrine  of 
irresponsible  force,  and  the  supreme  dominance 
of  the  State  uncontrolled  by  any  Higher  Power, 
is  practical  Atheism.  They  use  the  term  "God," 
but  that  term  may  mean  anything;  it  may  be 
applied,  and  has  been  applied,  to  images  and 
beings  indistinguishable  from  devils.  The  use  of 
the  term  depends  on  the  attributes  ascribed  to 
the  Being  so  named.  There  are  Gods  of  cruelty 
and  injustice  in  the  Old  Testament;  and  under 
priestly  influence  not  only  was  Agag  hewed 
in  pieces  before  the  Lord,  but  helpless  non- 
combatants  were  sacrificed,  and  even  the 
beasts  belonging  to  them  maliciously  slaugh- 
tered. 

We  had  hoped  that  the  civilized  part  of  the 
human  race  had  got  beyond  this  state  of  uncon- 

22 


REVOLT  AGAINST  CHRISTIANITY          23 

scious  blasphemy;  but  it  is  by  fruits  that  we 
must  judge  the  value  of  the  belief  of  any  nation 
and  the  nature  of  the  God  they  worship. 

The  savage  attacks  of  Haeckel  on  Christianity 
have  borne  fruit: — Louvain.  We  see  there 
materialism  rampant.  The  religion  of  Thor  and 
Odin  seems  to  be  taking  root  in  Germany  again: 
very  much  as  Heine  predicted: — 

"When  once  that  restraining  talisman,  the 
Cross,  is  broken,  then  the  smouldering  ferocity 
of  those  ancient  warriors  will  again  blaze  up; 
then  will  again  be  heard  the  deadly  clang  of  that 
frantic  Berserker  wrath,  of  which  the  Norse 
poets  say  and  sing  so  much.  The  talisman," 
he  continued,  "is  rotten  with  decay,  and  the  day 
will  surely  come  when  it  will  crumble  and  fall. 
Then  the  ancient  stone-gods  will  arise  from  out 
the  ashes  of  dismantled  ruins,  and  rub  the  dust 
of  a  thousand  years  from  their  eyes;  and 
finally,  Thor,  with  his  colossal  hammer,  will 
leap  up,  and  with  it  shatter  into  fragments  the 
Gothic  cathedrals." 

The  prophecy  is  being  fulfilled  more  literally 
than  Heine  anticipated. 

But  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  Germany  has 
thrown  over  all  religious  influence.  Professor 
Cramb  asks  and  answers  eloquently  the 
question : — 

"But  what  definitely  is  to  be  Germany's  part 
in  the  future  of  human  thought?  Germany 
answers:  'It  is  reserved  for  us  to  resume  in 
thought  that  creative  role  in  religion  which  the 
whole  Teutonic  race  abandoned  fourteen  cen- 
turies ago/  Judaea  and  Galilee  cast  their  dreary 
spell  over  Greece  and  Rome  when  Greece  and 


24  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Rome  were  already  sinking  into  decrepitude  and 
the  creative  power  in  them  was  exhausted; 
*  .  .  but  Judaea  and  Galilee  struck  Germany  in 
the  splendour  and  heroism  of  her  prime.  Ger- 
many and  the  whole  Teutonic  people  in  the  fifth 
century  made  the  great  error.  They  conquered 
Rome,  but,  dazzled  by  Rome's  authority,  they 
adopted  the  religion  and  the  culture  of  the  van- 
quished. Germany's  own  deep  religious  instinct, 
her  native  genius  for  religion,  manifested  in  her 
creative  success,  was  arrested,  stunted,  thwarted. 
But,  having  once  adopted  the  new  faith,  she 
strove  to  live  that  faith,  and  for  more  than  thirty 
generations  she  has  struggled  and  wrestled  to 
see  with  eyes  that  were  not  her  eyes,  to  worship 
a  God  that  was  not  her  God,  to  live  with  a  world- 
vision  that  was  not  her  vision  and  to  strive  for 
a  heaven  that  was  not  hers." 

That  is  supposed  to  be,  and  doubtless  truly 
represents,  Germany's  ideal;  and  it  constitutes 
the  best  basis  for  her  ambition  not  only  to  found 
a  world-empire,  but  also  to  create  a  world- 
religion.  "No  cultured  European  nation  since 
the  French  Revolution  has  made  any  experiment 
in  creative  religion.  The  experiment  which  Eng- 
land, with  her  dull  imagination,  has  recoiled  from, 
Germany  will  make ;  the  fated  task  which  England 
has  declined,  she  will  essay." 

Unfortunately  part  of  their  endowment  for  the 
task  is  a  thorough  assimilation  of  the  principles 
of  Machiavelli,  which  were  based  on  a  clear  recog- 
nition of  the  essentially  weak  and  self-interested 
character  of  individuals  and  of  all  other  States. 
Two  of  these  principles  may  be  thus  specified: — 
first,  that  the  end  justifies  the  means;  second, 


REVOLT  AGAINST  CHRISTIANITY          25 

that  Christianity  spells  political  and  national  ruin. 
So  under  Christianity  the  religious  are  at  a 
disadvantage  in  all  contests  with  the  irreligious, 
and  the  world  must  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
unscrupulous. 

"Consequently  we  find  Machiavelli  telling  us, 
with  care  and  exactitude,  when  the  prince  should 
break  his  word,  when  he  should  betray  his  ser- 
vant, when  he  should  throw  over  an  ally  he  is 
pledged  to  support,  and  so  on;  and  particular 
emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  use  of  fraud  to  achieve 
his  ends,  for  'it  behoves  the  ruler  to  be  a  fox 
as  well  as  a  lion.'  .  .  .  Machiavelli  was  the 
Treitschke  and  Bernhardi  of  the  Renaissance." 

It  is  a  point  definitely  at  issue  whether  Chris- 
tianity is  a  religion  which  any  given  nation  is 
able  to  absorb  and  practise.  The  Germans  have 
made  the  effort  and  failed.  We  see  the  result. 
They  regard  it  as  an  alien  religion  foisted  on 
them  from  Galilee.  They  may  even  regard  it: 
as  a  Jewish  religion;  because  it  originated  in 
Judaea;  though  it  is  one  that  the  Jews  have 
never  accepted.  It  is  by  no  means  the  first 
time  that  Christianity  has  had  to  struggle  for 
existence;  and  we,  the  Allies,  are  now  the  cham- 
pions of  Christendom — an  honour  which  we  can 
hardly  be  said  to  have  done  enough  to  deserve. 
Nevertheless,  for  better  for  worse,  that  is  our 
function  at  the  present  time;  and  whether  we 
are  worthy  of  the  position  remains  to  be 
proved. 

It  is  to  me  largely  a  question  of  fact — a  ques- 
tion of  what  is  true.  If  this  life  be  all,  then  a 
religion  of  Power  might  serve.  Whether  even 
then  it  would  be  the  best,  is  a  question,  but  it  is  a 


26  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

hypothetical  question  hardly  worth  considering. 
There  is  no  need  to  consider  different  hypoth- 
esis; our  business  is  to  ascertain  what  is  true. 

And  if  this  life  be  not  all — if  we  have  a  con- 
tinued existence,  and  if  Christianity  is  really  a 
Divine  revelation, — then  it  is  no  use  hedging — 
half  believing  and  half  not  believing — and  trying 
to  act  in  between,  so  to  speak.  Strength  lies  in 
whole  beliefs,  after  having  taken  the  trouble  to 
ascertain  the  truth. 

Professor  Cramb  gives  an  admirable  and 
sympathetic  account  of  the  German  ideal  of  the 
religion  of  Power — a  kind  of  Gothic  religion — 
suited,  as  they  think,  to  the  Northern  races; 
as  the  Classical  religion  once  seemed  suited  to 
the  South.  The  pages  of  Cramb  on  Treitschke 
remind  me  of  the  pages  of  Gibbon  on  Julian  and 
his  conflict  with  Christianity.  Then  it  was  Rome 
versus  Galilee;  and  at  the  end  the  Emperor  ad- 
mitted that  the  Galilean  had  conquered.  Now 
it  is  a  sort  of  Napoleonic  idea:  it  is  Corsica 
versus  Galilee;  and  which  shall  conquer  remains  to 
be  seen. 

Napoleon,  a  pioneer  of  this  movement,  also 
tried  for  world  power  or  downfall;  and  in  St. 
Helena  he  gained  downfall.  Yet  he  had  an  ideal ; 
he  did  much  good  to  France,  and  he  meant  to  do 
more  good  to  the  world  as  soon  as  he  had  become 
supreme. 

I  suppose  that  Prussia  thinks  the  same.  It 
really  does  believe  in  German  culture,  thought, 
and  character,  and  wishes  to  impose  them  on  the 
world.  It  thinks  the  way  to  do  that  is  by  main 
force.  That  is  part  of  the  religion  of  power; 
it  is  a  fighting  religion,  as  Mohammedanism  is. 


REVOLT  AGAINST  CHRISTIANITY          27 

That  is  where  it  has  its  present  advantage  over 
Christianity,  which  is  essentially  a  religion  of 
peace  and  goodwill.  It  seems  an  unequal  con- 
test; and  if  the  whole  of  the  power  were  ter- 
restrial, so  it  might  prove.  The  well-prepared 
and  fighting  nation  appears  to  have  every 
advantage.  Nearly  every  advantage  it  really 
has.  We  ought  not  to  assume  that  we  shall 
always  win.  The  consequences  of  defeat  are 
too  terrible  to  contemplate,  but  they  might 
have  to  be  undergone.  We  should  then  have  to 
submit  to  a  tyranny  such  as  we  have  hitherto 
only  read  of.  We  should  have  to  pass  under 
the  yoke.  Civilians  would  have  to  stand  and  look 
on  while  horrors  were  perpetrated;  and  after- 
wards our  existence  would  only  be  by  the  per- 
mission of  our  masters.  Slavery — which  we  have 
helped  to  exterminate  from  the  world — would  be 
enforced  upon  us. 

We  have  run  a  great  risk;  the  country  has 
not  taken  it  seriously  enough.  Mons  was  with- 
in an  ace  of  being  a  disaster.  The  Germans  over- 
ran France,  and  were  close  to  Paris. 

What  turned  them  back?  I  do  not  know.  I 
doubt  if  any  one  fully  and  completely  knows. 
September  3rd  was  a  critical  day.  It  is  a  war 
against  Principalities  and  Powers  and  spiritual 
wickedness  in  high  places.  I  myself  believe  in 
assistance  from  on  High. 


[It  may  be  necessary  to  explain  that  I  am  not  referring  to  inci- 
dents imagined  by  writers  of  fiction.] 


CHAPTER  V 

MORAI,   POWER   OF   NATIONS 

A  REVOLT  against  Christianity  I  have  called 
it.  For  surely  one  part  of  the  essence  of 
Christianity  is  that  the  weak  should  over- 
come the  strong.  That  seems  to  be  meaningless 
nonsense  to  the  Prussian  governing  mind;  for  ac- 
cording to  one  of  their  writers,  the  unpardonable 
sin — the  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost — is  weakness. 
Strength,  dominance,  power  to  impose  your  will 
on  others — force  of  that  kind  is  their  conscious 
aim  and  object.  That  any  weak  nation  should 
interfere,  or  delay  the  accomplishment  of  that 
object  rouses  their  fierce  indignation;  yet  they  will 
find  their  strength  succumb  to  weakness,  and 
the  nation  which  they  have  overpowered  and  op- 
pressed will  be  their  ruin.  They  fear  Russia; 
they  pretend  to  respect  France,  though  they  wish 
to  smash  her  beyond  recovery;  they  hate  and 
try  to  despise  England;  but  the  nation  before 
which  their  strength  will  ultimately  go  down 
in  deep  disaster  is  the  one  they  have  held  in 
derision  and  over  which  they  have  ridden  rough- 
shod— Belgium.  All  honour  to  its  King  and  his 
indomitable  spirit,  which  rose  superior  to 
any  idea  of  non-resistance  to  violence  and 
wrong. 


MORAL  POWER  OF  NATIONS  29 

The  world  is  the  richer  for  the  experience  of 
the  summer  of  1914,  and  Belgium  has  inscribed 
its  name  on  an  eternal  roll  of  honour — the  roll  of 
those  who  have  died  in  holding  a  pass  against 
overwhelming  odds. 

All  Humanity  blesses  the  heroic  struggle  for 
freedom  of  the  Belgian  nation,  for  without  their 
aid  the  face  of  Europe  would  have  been  changed 
past  redemption,  and  the  Earth  might  have 
been  subject  to  a  brutal  and  intolerable  dominance. 
We  have  witnessed  in  our  own  generation 
one  of  the  classical  contests  of  the  world;  and 
the  tale  will  go  down  to  remote  posterity — 
a  tale  of  deep  infamy  and  lofty  honour — re- 
lating how  at  this  time  the  powers  of  evil  were 
frustrated,  and  how  the  holiest  cause  emerged, 
stricken  but  victorious — triumphing,  as  always, 
through  grievous  pain. 

".  .  .  notre  force  est  en  nous  et  nous  avons  souffert 
Meme  notre  douleur  .  .  .  devient  notre  orgueil." 

"Divine  must  be 

That  triumph,  when  the  very  worst,  the  pain, 
And  even  the  prospect  of  our  brethren  slain, 
Hath  something  in  it  which  the  heart  enjoys : — 
In  glory  will  they  sleep  and  endless  sanctity." 

Let  it  be  clearly  realized  by  posterity  that  the 
Prussian  plans  were  well  laid,  and  that  from  their 
point  of  view  they  ought  to  have  succeeded. 
Had  Belgium  not  resisted  they  would  have  swept 
over  France  before  the  French  were  ready, 
and  before  we  could  possibly  have  been  there 
to  help  to  stop  them.  After  that  the  deluge! 
Their  plans  were  for  a  sudden  violent  irruption, 


30  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

for  conquest  of  great  tracts  of  territory  and 
coast  line,  and  afterwards  reduction  of  the  re- 
mainder at  leisure.  They  trusted  in  wrong-  and 
robbery,  and  even  in  spite  of  the  delay  they  very 
nearly  succeeded.  Their  attack  was  a  triumph 
of  organization  and  evil  foresight.  Everything 
was  prepared  to  the  utmost;  the  only  weakness 
was  that  they  relied  on  the  help  of  the  Devil, 
and  after  the  traditional  manner  he  failed  his 
worshippers  at  the  last  moment. 

NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM 

People  may  be  surprised  at  the  immense  im- 
portance attached  in  European  Diplomacy  to  the 
neutrality  of  Belgium.  It  has  been  in  the  fore- 
ground of  many  treaties,  and  has  been  reaffirmed 
and  guaranteed  again  and  again.  In  1870  the 
announcement  that  England  would  join  against 
either  side  which  infringed  it,  was  effective;  both 
Prussia  and  France  renewed  their  obligation  to 
respect  Belgian  neutrality,  the  Franco-German 
War  was  fought  on  that  basis,  and  if  unwit- 
tingly troops  crossed  the  Belgian  frontier  they 
loyally  laid  down  their  arms. 

It  is  only  on  such  a  basis  that  small  nations 
can  live  comfortably  as  neighbours  to  Great 
Powers;  and  it  is  instructive  to  realize  how  deep- 
seatedly  the  doctrine  of  neutrality  is  ingrained 
in  the  Belgians  themselves.  A  Belgian  writer 
in  the  Hibbert  Journal,  the  Abbe  Noel,  writes 
thus : — 

"On  the  morrow  of  1830  the  powers  which  had 
roused  us  to  independent  life  maternally  endowed 
us  with  'perpetual  neutrality.'  To  this  neutrality, 


MORAL  POWER  OF  NATIONS  81 

guaranteed  by  solemn  signatures,  we  vowed  to 
be  faithful  with  a  loyalty  which  was,  no  doubt, 
excessive.  I  well  recall  how  from  my  earliest 
years  I  learnt  to  contemplate  this  neutrality  as 
the  first  condition  of  our  national  existence;  it 
formed  a  dogma  raised  above  the  level  of  dis- 
cussion, an  obligation  which  formed  part  of  our 
very  existence." 

How  came  it  then,  we  English  must  ask,  that 
our  protestations  in  support  of  Belgian  neutrality 
were  on  this  last  occasion  discounted  and  ignored  ? 
It  was  because  it  was  too  generally  thought  that 
we  should  not  act  up  to  our  duty,  that  our  aims 
were  selfish,  and  that  so  long  as  we  were  not 
ourselves  endangered  we  should  hold  aloof. 

There  have  been  times  when  a  mere  state- 
ment by  a  British  ruler,  that  unless  certain 
wrongs  are  terminated  we  shall  intervene,  has 
produced  an  immediate  effect.  But  that  has 
been  when  the  ruler  was  one  who  had  shown 
that  he  fully  meant  what  he  said,  and  would  move 
without  hesitation,  trusting  in  the  Lord  of  Hosts. 
The  message  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  sent  in  the 
words  of  Milton;  was  sufficient  by  itself  to  stop 
the  persecution  of  the  Waldenses.  The  Duke 
of  Savoy  instantly  succumbed.  Under  Crom- 
well, England  became  the  head  and  protectress 
of  Protestant  Europe — and  that  without  striking 
a  foreign  blow.  By  sheer  strength  of  character 
and  force  of  right. 

Would  to  God  that  the  word  of  Britain  to-day 
were  powerful  like  that!  Power  so  used  is 
worth  having.  How  came  it  that  our  sea-power 
to-day  was  ignored  by  a  foe  who  underrated 
not  our  ships  or  our  guns  but  our  morale? 


32  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

May  it  not  have  been  because  we  were  passive 
when,  in  the  past,  Bulgaria  was  overrun  and 
tortured  by  our  foes'  present  ally,  the  Turk? 
We  had  guaranteed  the  future  of  Armenia,  and 
had  replaced  Macedonia  under  Turkish  rule, 
but  we  lifted  no  hand  to  stop  the  slaughter  of 
Armenians  in  the  streets  or  among  the  moun- 
tains; nor  did  we  make  effective  effort  to  check 
Turkish  misrule  in  Macedonia.  One  other  in- 
stance, even  more  crucial, — we  did  not  defend 
Denmark  from  the  disgraceful  raid  which  took 
from  it  Schleswig-Holstein. 

On  the  other  hand  we  have  been  accused 
of  coveting  a  Naboth's  vineyard  in  South 
Africa,  and  of  carrying  on  a  diplomacy  of 
bluff,  till  at  length  a  calamitous  war  became 
inevitable.  The  rights  and  wrongs  of  all  this 
are  part  of  the  commonplaces  of  party  politics, 
and  any  one-sided  presentation  of  the  case  is 
sure  to  be  unfair;  but  that  is  the  way  our  case 
appeared  to  continental  Powers,  and  that  is  why 
they  neither  feared  nor  respected  us.  For  our 
sins, — or  for  our  virtues  if  these  were  virtues, 
— we  are  smitten.  We  have  now  at  length  re- 
gained the  respect  of  the  world,  though  only 
at  a  mighty  cost.  Let  us  see  to  it  henceforward 
that  we  lose  it  not  again.  It  is  an  asset  worth 
having. 

In  a  pamphlet  issued  by  the  Society  of  Friends 
I  find  the  following  true  statement: — 

"Instructed  opinion  no  longer  holds  that 
the  true  welfare  of  a  people  depends  on  the 
extent  of  territory  under  its  government;  a 
clear  distinction  has  become  apparent  between 
administering  a  country  and  possessing  or 


MORAL  POWER  OF  NATIONS  33 

utilizing  its  wealth.  The  great  empires  are 
filled  with  poverty-stricken  people  leading 
diminished  lives.  Certain  small  nations  are 
models  of  human  welfare  to  the  rest  of 
Europe." 

I  should  say  this  of  the  country  called  Tyrol ; 
there  are  none  haughtily  rich  there,  and  none 
poor  below  the  level  of  self-respect.  It  is  a 
thousand  pities  that  Austria  has  been  dragged 
into  this  infamous  war,  for  it  seems  to  treat 
its  provinces  remarkably  well,  and  with  it  England 
has  till  now  had  no  quarrel. 

"The  sword,  as  the  sword,  can  give  no  rights. 
.  .  .  The  spirit  of  conquest  never  can  confer  true 
glory  and  happiness  upon  a  nation  that  has  at- 
tained power  sufficient  to  defend  itself.  .  .  .  In- 
definite progress  undoubtedly  there  ought  to  be 
somewhere,  but  let  that  be  in  knowledge,  in 
science,  in  civilization,  in  the  increase  of  the  num- 
bers of  the  people  and  in  the  augmentation  of  their 
virtue  and  happiness.  .  .  . 

by  the  Soul         » 
Only,  the  Nations  shall  be  great  and  free."   • 


CHAPTER  VI 

MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY 

EVEN  Nietzsche  in  his  saner  moments  saw 
that  militarism  was  a  dangerous  enemy  to 
genuine  German  culture,  and  that  it  is  liable 
to  generate  a  bastard  variety: — "Prussian  vic- 
tories," he  says,  "are  secured  by  severe  mili- 
tary discipline,  and  other  factors  which  have 
nothing  to  do  with  culture";  and  he  gives 
warning  that  if  these  factors  be  permitted  to 
grow  and  spread,  "they  will  have  the  power  to 
extirpate  German  mind;  and  when  that  is  done, 
who  knows  whether  there  will  still  be  anything 
to  be  made  out  of  the  surviving  German 
body?" 

Mommsen  also  sounded  a  note  of  warning  many 
years  ago: — 

"Have  a  care  lest  in  this  country,  which  has 
been  at  once  a  power  in  arms  and  a  power 
in  intelligence,  the  intelligence  should  vanish, 
and  nothing  but  the  pure  military  State  should 


remain." 


And  after  the  Franco-German  War  Nietzsche 
wrote : — 

"A  great  victory  is  a  great  danger.  The 
greatest  error  at  the  present  is  the  belief  that  this 
fortunate  war  has  been  won  by  German  Culture. 

34 


MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  35 

At  present  both  the  public  and  the  private  life 
of  Germany  shows  every  sign  of  the  utmost 
want  of  culture"  (Unseasonable  Contemplations: 

1873). 

And  again,  in  Human,  All  Too  Human,  he 
says:  "The  greatest  disadvantage  of  the  national 
army,  now  so  much  glorified,  lies  in  the 
squandering  of  men  of  the  highest  civilization; 
it  is  only  by  the  favourableness  of  all  cir- 
cumstances that  there  are  such  men  at  all; 
how  carefully  and  anxiously  should  we  deal  with 
them,  since  long  periods  are  required  to  bring 
about  the  chance  conditions  for  the  production 
of  such  delicately  organized  brains.  But  as 
the  Greeks  wallowed  in  the  blood  of  Greeks, 
so  do  Europeans  now  in  the  blood  of  Euro- 
peans; and,  indeed,  taken  relatively,  it  is  the 
most  highly  cultivated  who  are  sacrificed,  those 
who  promise  an  abundant  and  excellent 
posterity;  for  such  stand  in  the  front  of  the 
battle  as  commanders,  and  also  expose  them- 
selves to  most  danger,  by  reason  of  their  higher 
ambition." 

He  thus  clearly  recognizes  that  war  is  not  a 
eugenic  agent,  but  is  destructive  of  much  which 
it  is  to  our  interest  to  preserve. 

Unfortunately  not  all  Nietzsche's  writings  are 
of  this  same  character — far  from  it: — some  are 
little  better  than  inconsequential  ravings:  and 
his  nation  seems  of  late  to  have  neglected  the 
sanity  and  assimilated  the  mania.  His  genius 
lay  in  expressing  ideas  so  forcibly  as  to  arrest 
attention,  and  it  would  have  been  quite  possible 
for  a  nation  with  a  sense  of  humour  to  disinter 
the  buried  meaning,  to  recognize  a  vivid  truth 


36  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

and  an  earnestness  of  purpose  underlying  his 
utterances,  and  to  regard  the  form  as  a  dramatic 
setting.  The  English  nation  has  to  some  extent 
been  able  to  discriminate  in  this  way  concern- 
ing its  own  more  brilliant  Nietzschian  prophet, 
— who  for  instance  tells  us  that  if  we  value  any 
truth  we  must  be  prepared  to  fight  for  it,  that 
if  we  had  a  proper  horror  of  poverty  we  should 
treat  it  as  a  crime  and  exterminate  it. 

The  idea  that  heroism  and  strenuous  exertion 
are  appropriate  in  other  fields  than  those  of 
bodily  battle  inspire  the  following  passage, 
which  contains  the  most  famous  of  all  Neitzsche's 
maxims : — 

"I  rejoice  in  all  signs  that  a  more  manly, 
more  warlike  age  is  beginning,  which  will, 
before  all  things,  bring  bravery  once  more  into 
repute!  For  it  must  prepare  the  way  for  a 
still  loftier  age,  and  store  up  the  forces  neces- 
sary to  it, — that  age  which  shall  carry  heroism 
into  the  domain  of  knowledge,  and  wage  wars 
on  behalf  of  ideas  and  their  consequences.  .  .  . 
Believe  me,  the  secret  of  extracting  the  greatest 
profit  and  enjoyment  from  existence  is  this: 
live  dangerously!  Build  your  cities  on  Vesuvius! 
Launch  your  ships  on  uncharted  seas!  Live  at 
war  with  your  equals  and  with  yourselves!  Be 
robbers  and  conquerors,  ye  enlightened  ones,  so 
long  as  ye  cannot  be  rulers  and  possessors"  (The 
Joyful  Wisdom). 

And  again,  more  paradoxically: — 

"Ye  say  a  good  cause  will  hallow  even  war? 
I  say  unto  you  it  is  the  good  war  that  halloweth 
every  cause"  (Zarathustra:  "Of  War  and 
Warriors"). 


MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  87 

Such  sentences — fine  as  they  are — obviously 
lend  themselves  to  misinterpretation.  It  is  not 
easy  to  understand  that  any  large  body  of 
people  could  be  so  stupid,  but  the  Prussians 
managed  it;  and  to  realize  their  misreading 
of  philosophic  writers  we  have  throughout  to 
concentrate  attention  rather  on  the  way  that 
things  are  taken  than  on  what  was  really  meant. 

They  seem  to  have  misinterpreted  their  prophet 
until  he  became  really  mad;  but  still  he  carried 
them  with  him.  To  illustrate  the  violent  things 
which  they  found  possible  to  assimilate  I  regret 
to  have  to  make  abominable  quotations,  but 
it  is  necessary  to  exhibit  and  gibbet  a  few 
specimens. 

Speaking  of  the  French  Aristocracy  before 
the  French  Revolution,  and  its  overbearing 
attitude  towards  the  peasants,  Nietzsche  justifies 
it  thus: — 

"The  essential  point  in  a  good  and  healthy 
aristocracy  is  that  it  shall  not  regard  itself  as  a 
function  of  the  commonwealth,  but  as  its  mean- 
ing and  highest  justification;  that  it  should 
therefore  accept  with  a  good  conscience  the 
sacrifice  of  any  number  of  men  and  women,  who 
for  its  sake  must  be  depressed  below  the  stand- 
ard of  humanity  and  reduced  to  slaves,  to  instru- 
ments. It  must  fundamentally  believe  that  society 
ought  not  to  exist  for  its  own  sake,  but  only  as 
a  foundation  and  scaffolding  on  the  strength  of 
which  a  selected  race  of  beings  may  be  able 
to  devote  themselves  to  their  higher  mission,  and 
rise  to  a  higher  existence"  (Beyond  Good  and 
Evil). 

And  again: — 


38  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

"At  risk  of  wounding  innocent  ears,  I  lay 
down  the  principle  that  egoism  is  of  the  essence 
of  the  noble  soul."  So  far  he  might  be  under- 
stood as  referring  to  something  like  the  divine 
egoism  of  the  Gospel;  but  he  goes  on  to  ex- 
plain— "I  mean  the  firm  belief  that  to  a 
being  such  as  we  are,  other  beings  are  by 
nature  subject,  and  are  bound  to  sacrifice  them- 
selves." 

This  is  quite  a  Napoleonic  tradition.  It  is 
well  brought  out  by  Bernard  Shaw  in  his  admir- 
able short  play  A  Man  of  Destiny.  In  so  far 
as  a  true  aristocrat  is  the  flower  and  glory  of 
his  race,  there  is  much  meaning  in  it,  but  its 
superficial  meaning  and  immediate  application 
are  horrible. 

And  all  this  anti-socialism  can  be  easily 
twisted  into  an  overbearing  national  insolence: 
witness  the  following  effusion  by  Herr  K.  F. 
Wolff,  in  Pan-Germanise  he  Blatter  for  Septem- 
ber 1914. 

"There  are  two  kinds  of  races,  master  races 
and  inferior  races.  Political  rights  belong  to 
the  master  race  alone,  and  can  only  be  won  by 
war.  This  is  a  scientific  law,  a  law  of  biology. 
...  It  is  unjust  that  a  rapidly  increasing  master 
race  should  be  struggling  for  room  behind  its  own 
frontier,  while  a  decadent  inferior  race  can  stretch 
its  limbs  at  ease  on  the  other  side  of  that 
frontier.  The  inferior  race  should  not  be  edu- 
cated in  the  schools  of  the  master  race,  nor 
should  any  school  be  established  for  it,  nor  should 
its  language  be  employed  in  public.  [If  it  rebel], 
it  is  necessary  to  use  the  most  violent  means 
to  crush  such  insurrection, — and  not  to  encum- 


MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  39 

ber  the  prisons  afterward!  Thus  the  con- 
querors can  best  work  for  the  annihilation  of 
the  conquered,  and  break  for  ever  with  the 
prejudice  which  would  claim  for  a  beaten  race 
any  right  to  maintain  its  nationality  or  its  native 
tongue." 

A  writer  in  the  North  American  Review  points 
out  that: — 

"Here  we  see  an  easy  but  very  significant 
transition  has  been  effected.  Nietzsche  knew 
nothing  of  any  master  nation  existing  in  the 
world  to-day.  His  doctrine  was  that  within  all 
nations  there  was  a  master  aristocracy,  and  a 
'herd'  living  in  more  or  less  disguised  slavery. 
But  Herr  Wolff  gaily  transfers  the  'Master' 
quality  from  individuals  to  a  whole  nation — the 
Germans — and  the  slave  quality  to  a  whole 
nation,  manifestly  the  French,  who  have  no  right 
to  'stretch  their  limbs  at  ease  on  the  other  side 
of  the  frontier.'  This  is,  of  course,  a  misreading 
of  Nietzsche,  but  it  is  a  misreading  to  which  he 
lends  himself  only  too  readily,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  is  a  misreading  very 
widely  accepted  in  Germany." 

But  Nietzsche  himself  launched  into  the  ut- 
most violence  of  language  before  he  had  done, 
and  in  one  of  the  wickedest  of  his  books,  Beyond 
Good  and  Evil,  emphasizes  his  weird  cult  of  self- 
ishness thus : — 

"The  noble  type  of  man  feels  himself  to  be 
the  determiner  of  values;  he  looks  for  no  ap- 
proval from  others,  but  takes  his  stand  on  the 
judgment — 'What  is  hurtful  to  me  is  hurtful  in 
itself;  he  knows  it  to  be  his  prerogative  to  con- 
fer honour  on  things,  to  be  a  creator  of  values. 


40  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

.  .  .  Ruling-class  morality  is,  however,  particu- 
larly strange  and  disagreeable  to  the  prevailing 
taste  of  the  day,  by  reason  of  the  sternness  of 
its  principle  that  one  has  duties  only  to  one's 
equals:  that  one  may  act  towards  beings  of  a 
lower  order,  and  toward  everything  that  is  foreign, 
just  as  seems  good  to  one  .  .  .  and  in  any  case 
'beyond  good  and  evil.'  "... 

"We  hold  that  hardness,  violence,  slavery, 
danger — and  in  the  heart,  secrecy,  stoicism, 
arts  of  temptation,  and  devilry  of  all  kinds, — 
that  everything  evil,  terrible,  tyrannical,  wild- 
beast-like  and  serpent-like  in  man,  contributes 
to  the  elevation  of  the  species  'man,'  just  as 
much  as  its  opposite — and  in  saying  this  we  do 
not  even  say  enough.  .  .  .  To  refrain  from 
mutual  injury,  from  violence,  from  exploitation, 
to  reduce  one's  will  to  a  level  with  that  of 
others  .  .  .  discloses  itself  as  what  it  is — 
namely,  a  Will  to  the  denial  of  life,  a  principle 
of  dissolution  and  decay.  One  must  resist  all 
sentimental  weakness:  life  in  its  essence  is 
appropriation,  injury,  the  overpowering  of  what- 
ever is  foreign  to  us  and  weaker  than  ourselves, 
suppression,  hardness,  the  forcing  upon  others 
of  our  own  forms,  the  incorporation  of  others, 
or,  at  the  very  least  and  mildest,  their  exploita- 
tion." 

And  in  another  book,  called  The  Genealogy 
of  Morals,  we  find  that  infamous  passage  about 
the  "bloncl  beast"  so  often  referred  to  in 
connection  with  the  ravaging  of  Belgium,  which 
has  been  used  to  justify  the  instructions  given 
to  the  licensed  Prussian  soldiery  when  at  length 


MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  41 

they  flung  off  the  last  traces  of  superficial  civili- 
zation : — 

"Those  very  men  who  are  so  strictly  kept 
within  bounds  by  good  manners,  respect,  usage, 
gratitude,  and  still  more  by  mutual  watchfulness, 
by  jealousy  inter  pares,  who,  moreover,  in  their 
behaviour  to  one  another  show  themselves  so 
inventive  in  consideration,  self-control,  delicacy, 
loyalty,  pride  and  friendship — those  very  men 
are  to  the  outside  world,  to  things  foreign  and 
to  foreign  countries,  little  better  than  so  many 
uncaged  beasts  of  prey.  Here  they  enjoy 
liberty  from  all  social  restraint,  .  .  .  they  revert 
to  the  beast  of  prey's  innocence  of  conscience, 
and  become  rejoicing  monsters,  who  perhaps  go 
on  their  way,  after  a  hideous  sequence  of 
murder,  conflagration,  violation,  torture,  with 
as  much  gaiety  and  equanimity  as  if  they  had 
merely  taken  part  in  some  student  gambols. 
.  .  .  Deep  in  the  nature  of  all  these  noble 
races  there  lurks  unmistakably  the  beast  of  prey, 
the  blond  beast,  lustfully  roving  in  search  of 
booty  and  victory.  From  time  to  time  the  beast 
demands  an  outlet,  an  escape,  a  return  to  the 
wilderness." 

The  reason  such  conduct  is  resented  is  cyni- 
cally expounded  thus : — 

"That  the  lambs  should  bear  a  grudge  against 
the  great  birds  of  prey  is  in  no  way  surprising; 
but  that  is  no  reason  why  we  should  blame  the 
great  birds  of  prey  for  picking  up  the  little  lambs. 
And  if  the  lambs  say  among  themselves,  These 
birds  of  prey  are  evil;  and  whoso  is  as  un- 
like as  possible  to  a  bird  of  prey,  and  as  like  as 
possible  to  its  opposite,  a  lamb,  shall  we  not  call 


42  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

him  good?  One  can  have  no  objection  to  their 
setting  up  such  an  ideal,  except  that  the  birds 
of  prey  are  likely  to  regard  it  rather  mockingly, 
and  to  say,  'We  bear  no  grudge  against  these 
good  lambs;  on  the  contrary,  we  love  them — for 
nothing  is  more  to  our  taste  than  a  tender 
lamb/ ' 

So  we  sometimes  find  the  Germans  now 
saying  that  while  they  hate  England  they  love 
France  and  Belgium.  Were  it  not  that  the 
fruits  of  this  philosophy,  planted  in  too  rank  a 
soil,  had  actually  turned  out  so  unexpectedly 
hideous,  it  might  be  laughed  at  as  extravagant, 
and  likened  to  the  intention  of  a  mother  to  make, 
her  son  a  butcher  because  of  his  fondness  for 
animals. 

But  enough  of  this  preposterous;  madness! 
The  main  fault  lay  with  the  nation  who  drew 
sustenance  from  these  ravings,  and  accepted  them 
because  of  their  correspondence  with  its  own  im- 
moral desires. 

In  a  series  of  Essays  under  the  title  of  "The 
Comments  of  Bagshot"  which  were  published  in 
the  Westminster  Gazette  during  the  years  1908 
and  1909,  their  writer  realized  very  clearly  how 
it  was  that  the  Germans  were  wresting  philo- 
sophical teaching  to  their  own  ultimate  destruction : 
it  was  because  they  found  their  literal  form  ex- 
pressive of  the  doctrines  which  their  own  selfish 
bigotry  demanded. 

"Why  all  this  pother  about  Nietzsche?  This 
mad  mystic,  trying  to  make  a  philosophy  out  of 
the  principles  of  the  German  General  Staff, 
is  only  our  own  Carlyle  carried  to  the  ultimate 
logic  of  his  Teutonic  ideas,  and  if  you  will  go 


MODERN  GERMAN  PHILOSOPHY  43 

to  him  yourself  and  read  his  books,  instead  of 
taking  them  secondhand  in  the  bowdlerized  ver- 
sions of  his  imitators,  it  will  do  you  no  more  harm 
than  a  visit  to  the  Zoological  Gardens,  where 
the  Nietzschean  principle  is  in  full  working 
order." 

And  in  another  place  he  goes  on: — 

"The  worst  of  Nietzsche  is  that  none  of  the 
people  who  ought  to  read  him  will,  and  that  for 
those  who  do  read  him  he  is  virulent  poison. 
Rightly  construed,  this  surging  anarchism  of  his 
is  a  revolt  against  the  doctrine  which  the  supermen 
have  imposed  upon  the  world,  and  a  call  to  the 
lowly  and  meek  to  assert  their  manhood  against 
their  oppressors;  and  it  is  a  singular  perversion 
which  makes  it  the  gospel  and  the  justification  of 
the  oppressor.  But  that  is  the  nemesis  of  all 
teaching  which  seeks  to  cast  out  fire  with  fire.  To 
the  oppressed  Nietzsche  says,  'Go  and  be  oppressors 
too' — which  they  never  will  be  and  never  could  be 
even  if  they  wanted  to  be.  It  is  utterly  use- 
less to  invite  the  pigeon  to  become  a  hawk 
or  to  tell  St.  Francis  to  turn  himself  into 
Napoleon." 

It  is  too  late  now,  alas!  to  argue  as  to  what 
relic  of  sense  may  underlie  the  Nietzschean 
ravings.  Taken  as  his  countrymen  have  taken 
them,  and  applied  as  their  Professors  have  applied 
them — translating  into  intellectual  terms  and  seek- 
ing to  develop  latent  appetites  and  vices  in  the 
nation — they  are  manifestly  devilish:  and  this  fact 
it  is  which  dooms  them  to  extinction. 

So  we  happily  revert  to  our  own  statesman- 
poet,  Wordsworth: — 

"Everything  which  is  desperately  immoral,  being 


44  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

in  its  constitution  monstrous,  is  of  itself  perish- 
able :  decay  it  cannot  escape ;  and  further  it  is  liable 
to  sudden  dissolution.  For  he  stands  upon  a  hideous 
precipice  (and  it  will  be  the  same  with  all  who  may 
succeed  to  him  and  his  iron  sceptre)  who  has  out- 
lawed himself  from  society  by  proclaiming,  with 
word  and  act,  that  he  acknowledges  no  mastery  but 
power." 

If  Germany  were  doomed  to  win  this  war,  she  might  con- 
tinue— for  how  long,  we  cannot  tell — to  be  the  victim  of  a 
perverse  ideal.  But  any  Englishman  who  reveres  and  loves 
that  soul  of  her  which  speaks  in  her  music,  philosophy,  and 
poetry,  must  desire  her  total  defeat  for  her  own  sake  as  well 
as  for  his  country's  and  the  world's.  It  is  incredible  that 
that  soul  is  dead,  and  that  anguish  would  not  wake  it  from 
its  evil  dream. — A.  C.  BRADLEY. 


CHAPTER  VII 

A  CONFLICT  OF 


WE,  unworthy,  are  agents  of  Higher 
Powers  in  this  conflict.  We  are  genu- 
inely and  consciously  fighting  for  the 
right.  We  have  no  other  object  than  to  keep 
humanity  from  falling  below  the  state  it  has  so 
far  attained,  and  sinking  back  into  the  mire  of 
merely  animal  materialism  and  brute  force.  We 
stand  against  the  powers  of  evil,  one  of  the  cham- 
pions of  Christendom,  resisting  decadence  and  up- 
holding spiritual  faith.  That  is  our  strength  and 
may  yet  be  our  salvation. 

There  is  no  false  pride  in  this  statement,  and 
there  need  be  no  false  modesty.  The  day  of 
trial  has  shown  us  both  our  faults  and  our 
virtues.  Lamentably  deficient  in  wisdom  as 
we  are,  we  do  as  a  nation  earnestly  long  for  the 
triumph  of  the  good.  Heroism,  virtue,  and 
strength  of  character,  really  do  appeal  to  us, 
and  arouse  not  perfunctory  but  genuine  enthu- 
siasm. Moreover,  in  some  directions  we  are 
able  to  act  up  to  our  convictions:  we 
strenuously  desire  to  act  fairly,  and  to  give  our 
foes  and  competitors  an  even  chance;  and  on  the 
whole  we  achieve  this.  It  is  not  always 
so  in  the  stress  of  competitive  commerce;  but  as  a 

45 


46  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

national  characteristic  it  is  so:  when  we 
win,  we  wish  to  win  by  fair  means  not  by  foul. 
We  have  a  sense  of  personal  honour,  and  we 
have  a  healthy  horror  of  gratuitous  cruelty  and 
savage  revenge.  We  honour  an  upstanding 
foe,  and  we  heartily  desire  to  succour  a  defeated 
enemy. 

In  all  this  we  have  often  been  misunderstood. 
It  has  sometimes  been  suggested  that  we  must  be 
acting  from  some  ulterior  base  or  cowardly  motive, 
and  often  we  have  been  accused  of  hypocrisy. 
But  the  charge  is  a  false  one.  Hypocrisy  is  not  a 
charge  easy  to  controvert,  yet  as  a  matter  of  fact 
it  is  not  one  of  our  national  vices.  Instinc- 
tively shrinking  from  it,  indeed,  we  often 
fall  into  the  other  extreme  and  refrain  from 
putting  forward  our  best  motive.  We  do  not 
resent  the  charge  of  a  little  more  worldly 
wisdom  than  we  really  possess;  we  rather  like  to 
be  thought  subtle,  and  resent  being  called  simply 
good.  Yet  the  latter  charge  is  nearer  to 
our  national  characteristics  than  the  former, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  our  conduct  so 
often  falls  below  our  aspiration.  Virtue  vic- 
torious and  vice  vanquished  is  what  really 
appeals  to  the  heart  of  the  people — even  amid 
communities  where,  by  the  warpings  of  society  or 
the  weakness  of  the  flesh,  bad  habits  would  seem 
to  be  theoretically  as  well  as  practically  su- 
preme. 

Is  all  this  true  of  our  race  alone  and  are  these 
simple  and  childlike  characteristics  denied  to  other 
nations?  God  forbid.  They  are,  let  us  hope  and 
fully  believe,  characteristic  of  unwarped  humanity. 
But  unfortunately  a  part  of  humanity  has,  for  the 


A  CONFLICT  OF  IDEALS  47 

time,  become  warped  by  evil  teachings;  and  the 
more  docile  and  obedient  it  is  the  more  disastrous 
is  the  result. 

A  writer  in  the  quarterly  journal  called  Science 
Progress  truly  says  that: — 

"We  have  witnessed  the  greatest  crime  ever 
perpetrated  upon  humanity.  It  is  due  in  the  first 
place  to  the  wickedness  or  incompetence  of  those 
by  whom  the  mass  of  men  allow  themselves 
to  be  ruled — the  prince  who  pretends  to  possess 
the  mandate  of  God,  or  the  politicians  who 
pretend  to  possess  the  mandate  of  the  people;  and 
secondly  to  the  fact  that,  however  far  civilization 
has  progressed,  the  mass  of  men  still  remain  in- 
tellectually in  but  little  better  condition  than 
they  were  in  when  they  smote  each  other 
with  sticks  and  hammered  each  other  to  death 
with  stones." 

It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that  at  this  anniversary 
of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  Europe  should  once  again 
be  contending  with  a  Napoleonic  idea  of  world 
dominion:  this  time  in  a  more  flagrant  and  even 
less  pardonable  form.  The  influence  of  the  Na- 
poleonic spirit  is  by  no  means  extinct,  for  as 
Professor  Cramb  wrote — and  he  did  not  live  to 
see  the  present  war,  though  he  felt  it  was 
coming : — 

"The  influence  which  Napoleon  exercises 
upon  modern  German  thought  is  peculiar  and 
instructive.  In  Europe  as  a  whole,  in  the 
twentieth  century,  two  great  spirit- forces  con- 
tend for  men's  allegiance — Napoleon  and 
Christ.  The  one,  the  representative  of  life- 
renunciation,  places  the  reconciliation  of  life's 
discords  and  the  solution  of  its  problems  in 


48  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

a  tranquil  but  nebulous  region  beyond  the 
grave;  the  other,  the  asserter  of  earth  and  of 
earth's  glories,  disregardful  of  any  life  beyond 
the  grave,  finds  life's  supreme  end  in  heroism 
and  the  doing  of  great  things,  and  seeks  no 
immortality  except  the  immortality  of  renown; 
and  even  of  that  he  is  slightly  contemptuous.' 
To  Napoleon  the  end  of  life  is  power,  and  the 
imposing  of  his  will  upon  the  wills  of  other 
men.  Like  Achilles  or  like  Ajax,  ever  to  be  the 
first  and  to  outshine  all  other  is  his  confessed 
ambition." 

Two  IDEALS 

Reduced  to  its  elements  this  war  is  a  war  of 
ideals,  a  conflict  between  two  ideals  of  govern- 
ment;— the  English  ideal  of  a  commonwealth  of 
nations,  a  group  of  friendly  states,  some  larger 
some  smaller,  some  stronger  some  weaker,  but  all 
working  together  and  contributing  each  her  quota 
for  the  good  of  humanity  and  the  progress  of  the 
world ; — that  is  the  ideal  on  the  one  hand ; — and  on 
the  other,  the  Prussian  ideal  of  a  single  glorified 
state,  dominating  all  others,  enforcing  its  will 
despotically,  imposing  its  customs,  its  learning  and 
its  culture  on  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  This  ideal 
is  that  of  a  strong  resolute  autocracy,  ruling  all 
Europe,  not  with  the  consent  of  the  governed,  but 
in  spite  of  their  remonstrance  and  ignoring  their 
dislike;  a  government  so  strong  as  to  be  able  to 
crush  all  opposition,  and  to  do  away  with 
all  freedom  except  the  freedom  to  do  precisely  as 
you  are  told;  the  replacement  in  fact  of  freedom 
by  coercion. 


A  CONFLICT  OF  IDEALS  49 

The  fact  is  that,  as  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain 
said  in  one  of  his  speeches, 

"This  is  a  struggle  between  two  ideals  o?  civili- 
zation and  progress — whether  the  world  is  to 
be  drilled  and  dragooned  on  the  Prussian 
model,  or  whether  the  measured  order  and  free- 
dom which  has  prevailed  wherever  the  British  flag 
flies  is  to  triumph." 

Their  ideal, — drill,  discipline,  and  docility,  the 
three  desiderata  of  government, — they  must  be- 
lieve in  very  strongly,  or  they  would  not  sacrifice 
so  much  to  enforce  it. 

So  long  as  they  managed  their  own  affairs  in  this 
way  no  one  had  a  word  to  say;  but  when  mis- 
sionary enterprise  is  attempted,  our  approval  or 
disapproval  becomes  important. 

Mr.  Harold  Picton,  writing  with  the  object  of 
promoting  friendly  feelings  between  the  countries 
and  stemming  the  torrent  of  hate  which  he  feared 
might  be  reciprocated  from  our  side,  admits  this 
freely,  in  spite  of  his  partial  admiration 
and  whole-hearted  good  feeling  for  the  German 
people,  their  efficiency,  and  their  virtues.  He 
says : — 

"In  the  past  these  matters  have  belonged  to  the 
internal  affairs  of  Germany,  and  we  have 
paid  them  but  little  heed.  Now,  however,  that 
Germany  proposes  to  extend  her  system  to 
peoples  comparatively  free,  her  general  methods 
of  internal  administration  are  a  matter  of  grave 
concern  for  us  all.  Those  methods  as  applied 
to  others  are  shortly,  'Be  German  or  be 
damned.'  There  are  those  who  would  rather  be 
damned.  This  the  German  statesmen  of  to-day 
did  not  foresee.  I  have  no  contempt  for 


SO  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

German  individuality  and  character, — on  the 
contrary,  it  attracts  me;  but  when  an  individual 
begins  to  consider  it  his  sacred  duty  to 
impose  his  individuality  on  others,  he  is  on  the 
high-road  to  a  very  disagreeable  form  of  insanity. 
Only  strong  measures  will  effect  a  radi- 
cal cure." 

He  admits  also  the  meanness  of  the  policy  of 
half  upholding  an  agreement  and  half  withdrawing 
from  it: — 

"What  is  low  is  to  get  the  benefit  of  an  agree- 
ment and  also  the  benefit  of  breaking  it.  What  was 
the  method  of  the  German  statesmen?  Up  to  the 
3  ist  of  July  the  German  Ambassador  gave  Bel- 
gium to  understand  that  her  neutrality  would  be 
respected.  On  the  2nd  of  August  the  German 
Government  demanded  the  immediate  passage  of 
German  troops.  Such  a  standard  of  honour  would 
make  enduring  peace  for  ever  impossible,  for  an 
enduring  peace  must  depend  upon  agreements: 
it  would  make  a  brotherhood  of  nations  for  ever 
impossible,  for  any  brotherhood  must  depend  upon 
trust." 

But  he  realizes,  as  we  all  ought  to  realize 
clearly,  the  temptations  and  difficulties  under  which 
Germany  labours  by  reason  of  its  hedged-round 
geographical  position.  Whether  it  ought  to  feel 
suffocated  or  not,  it  does,  in  spite  of  our  free 
trade  and  open  door :  and  whether  it  has  ever  really 
felt  alarmed  about  possible  attack  on  one  or  other 
side — for  it  must  know  that  its  past  history  has 
not  made  it  beloved — we  need  not  be  surprised  at 
an  occasional  causeless  panic,  and  at  the  should- 
ering of  arms  betimes  against  imaginary 
dangers : — 


A  CONFLICT  OF  IDEALS  51 

"Let  us,  as  Englishmen,  imagine  our  land  where 
Germany  now  is.  Imagine  the  shifting  suspicions 
of  diplomacy  on  our  land  frontiers — the  huge  un- 
defined power  of  Russia  on  one  hand,  an  unfriendly 
France  on  the  other.  Compulsory  armament  would 
be  inevitable,  and  the  cult  of  force  might  sink 
into  our  souls." 

This  cult  of  force  has  planted  Prussia  astride  of 
the  neck  of  Germany:  it  has  risen,  and  now  it  must 
perish,  with  the  sword. 

The  years  1866  and  1870  were  the  fatal  years  of 
Prussian  supremacy  and  success.  Up  to  that  time 
German  art,  German  science,  German  history, 
were  admired  and  envied  throughout  the  world. 
It  had  gloried  in  the  era  of  Goethe,  of  Beethoven, 
and  of  Helmholtz.  Since  that  date  the  great  men 
of  Germany  have  been  few ;  the  decline  then  begun 
has  continued.  With  some  exceptions,  no  doubt, 
they  have  lost  their  public  faith  in  unselfish  action ; 
they  officially  disbelieve  in  chivalry;  they  deny  any 
moral  government  of  the  world;  they  believe  in 
the  rule  of  the  strongest.  It  is  a  thousand  pities, 
for  in  physical  science  they  have  done  wonders. 
Who  does  not  remember  the  splendid  achievements 
of  Hertz — that  brilliant  follower  of  our  own  Clerk 
Maxwell — whose  all  too  early  death  saved  him  from 
the  horrors  of  this  disastrous  epoch.  E.  Gold- 
schmidt  has  devised  an  ingenious  extension  on  the 
practical  side  of  Hertz's  work.  In  mathematical 
physics  Planck  is  a  name  of  eminence. 

In  Biology  it  is  true  Sir  Ray  Lankester  speaks 
of  the  present  German  position  with  dispraise 
bordering  on  contempt.  But  in  Mechanism  and 
Chemicals  and  Apparatus  the  nation  still  ranks 
high;  its  scientific  instruments  and  their  design 


52  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

are  beautiful;  it  has  devoted  itself  to  the  design 
and  construction  of  appliances,  specially  those 
which  can  be  used  in  war.  Hitherto  in  peace  time 
we  have  reaped  the  benefit  of  its  instrument  makers' 
well-instructed  skill.  Now  we  seem  to  be  fighting 
a  nation  of  machines.  In  war-material  it  is  un- 
rivalled; in  personnel  it  is  lacking;  its  army  is  itself 
a  machine — a  devoted,  terrible,  obedient  machine. 

To  it  we  of  the  Allied  Nations  oppose  Men, 
individual  resource  and  character,  the  domination 
of  personality — handicapped  I  fear  by  the  rigidity 
of  officials  and  by  insufficient  preparation. 

Determination  there  is  on  both  sides ;  for  not  in 
biological  metaphor,  but  in  dire  reality,  it  is  a 
struggle  for  existence.  The  two  ideals  are  in  the 
field  against  each  other;  one  must  emerge  trium- 
phant, the  other  must  be  defeated.  There  can  be 
no  halting  between  two  opinions.  It  is  a  very 
ancient  alternative;  "If  the  Lord  be  God,  follow 
Him;  but  if  Baal,  then  follow  him."  There  can 
be  no  peace  till  the  prophets  of  Baal  are  extermi- 
nated, and  the  falseness  of  their  creed  displayed. 
Up  and  down,  backwards  and  forwards,  the  fighting 
line  may  surge;  but  there  can  be  only  one  end.  Of 
this  we  should  be  well  assured,  while  striving  with 
all  our  might  for  its  accomplishment.  Towards  this 
some  are  giving  their  lives,  or  the  lives  of  those 
dear  to  them ;  others  are  giving  of  their  substance : 
and  this  without  stint,  for  if  the  cause  of  God  is 
not  triumphant,  life  on  this  planet  will  be  no 
longer  worth  living.  Death  is  preferable  to  German 
rule  of  the  kind  we  should  experience  if  conquered, 
and  if  the  dormant  national  hate,  fostered  by  lies 
and  now  fanned  into  a  blaze,  were  set  free  on  the 
vanquished.  What  has  been  done  in  Belgium 


A  CONFLICT  OF  IDEALS  53 

would  be  done  in  England,  and  more  also.  The 
Belgian  homes  are  an  object  lesson,  clearly  dis- 
playing the  character  and  consequences  of  the 
Prussian  ideal. 

Yet  I  must  assume  that  the  people  themselves  * 
are  not  consciously  evil,  only  diabolically  mis-i 
guided.  For  they  too  have  an  ideal,  I  grant  them 
that: — one  which  has  become  deeply  engrained, 
and  has  spread  from  Prussia  to  the  rest  of  Ger- 
many, deceived  as  it  has  been,  with  the  truth 
sedulously  kept  from  it.  There  will  be  an  awaken- 
ing; and  already  there  must  be  many  thousands 
who  have  not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal;  who  long 
for  freedom  as  we  do;  and  who  in  due  time  will 
make  their  voices  heard.  Amid  the  glamour  of 
apparent  success  they  cannot  speak;  but  when  dis- 
asters come,  when  they  can  no  longer  be  concealed, 
and  the  nation  learns  how  it  has  been  befooled; 
when  it  realizes  how  it  has  befooled  itself;  then 
the  wholesome  elements  in  the  nation  will  emerge, 
and  will  strike  down  the  dominant  party  with 
execration  and  anathemas. 

For  this  conclusion  we  can  bide  our  time.  Inter- 
nal forces  will  work  the  necessary  disruption,  so 
long  as  we  make  no  feeble,  no  hasty,  no  inconclusive 
peace.  It  is  no  time  to  talk  of  peace  yet;  nor  will 
it  be  for  long.  Humanity  cannot  afford  to  forgo 
the  gain  to  be  derived  from  a  struggle  such  as  this ; 
nor  can  it  run  the  risk  of  having  such  an  awful 
conflict  ever  repeated.  Now  is  the  accepted  time, 
now  is  the  day  of  salvation. 

And  fortunately  the  'nations  are  united  as  never 
they  have  been  before.  So  that  a  preparation  is 
being  made  for  friendly  union  among  the  nations 
of  Europe,  and  ultimately  for  that  federation  of 


54  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

the  world  to  which  prophets  have  been  long  looking 
forward.  Many  horrors,  much  aerial  fighting,  will 
precede  that  time.  Tennyson  foresaw  it  all.  You 
remember  how  he 


Heard  the  heavens  fill  with  shouting,  and  there  rain'd  a 

ghastly  dew 
From  the  nations'  airy  navies  grappling  in  the  central  blue ; 


Till  the  war-drum  throbb'd  no  longer,  and  the  battle-flags 

were  furl'd 
In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  world. 

Yes,  the  federation  of  kindred  and  friendly 
nations,  each  with  its  own  independent  powers  and 
aptitudes,  its  separate  life  and  genius.  So  will  our 
ideal  of  free  institutions  and  self-respecting  com- 
munities be  fulfilled; — that  settled  policy  of  free 
government  which  has  resulted  in  the  loyal  colonies 
and  devoted  daughter  nations  of  the  British 
Empire. 

The  result  of  the  struggle  will  be  ultimately 
wholesome  for  all  the  nations  concerned,  including 
Germany;  for  what  will  be  defeated  will  not  be 
Germany,  but  a  miserably  wrong-headed  philosophy 
of  life.  The  Germany  to  which  we  owe  so  much 
science  and  learning  and  art  will  be  re-born ;  it  will 
throw  off  the  shackles  of  a  cramping  and  over- 
powering despotism  of  evil :  and  once  more,  I  sin- 
cerely trust,  we  shall  be  friends. 

As  a  sign  of  grace,  let  us  bear  in  mind  the  fine 
testimony  borne  by  the  foe  to  that  great  and  gallant 
soldier  who  had  done  his  best,  in  face  of  obloquy, 
to  prepare  his  own  nation  for  the  war  which  he  felt 
was  imminent.  An  obituary  notice  in  a  German 


A  CONFLICT  OF  IDEALS  55 

paper  contained  the  following:  "Lord  Roberts  was 
an  honourable,  conspicuous,  dangerous  enemy,  and 
an  extraordinarily  brave  one;  before  such  a  man 
we  lower  our  swords." 


CHAPTER  VIII 

TWO  FALLACIES 

THE    errors    or     mistaken    theories    which 
are   now   supreme   in   Germany   are: — first, 
a     glorification     of     war,     based     on       a 
misreading  of  Darwinism;   and,   second,   an   en- 
thronement   of    mere    powe<r,    a    belief    in    the 
unmoral    supremacy   of    the    State.      They   must 
be   genuinely   believed — even    if   to    some    extent 
believed   to   order — but   they   are   desperate   mis- 
takes. 

FALLACY  No.   i 

Consider  them  for  a  moment.  First,  a  mis- 
reading of  Darwinism;  a  misunderstanding  of  the 
phrase  "struggle  for  existence"  as  conducive  to 
evolution,  so  that  slaughter  and  active  con- 
flict seem  the  highest  good.  The  Darwinian 
struggle  is  not  of  this  order  at  all.  It  is 
a  selection  of  the  fittest  to  survive,  among 
a  crowd  of  organisms  which  cannot  possibly 
all  survive;  a  selection  of  those  most  fitted  to 
the  environment.  It  is  akin  to  the  natural 
competition  and  effort  with  which  we  are  all  ac- 
quainted in  peace  time;  it  is  not  like  war 
at  all. 

The  expressions  "struggle  for  existence"  and 

56 


TWO  FALLACIES  57 

"survival  of  the  fittest,"  containing,  as  they  do,  a 
suggestion  of  conscious  effort  and  of  ethical  signifi- 
cance, have  been  to  some  extent  responsible  for  a 
certain  amount  of  popular  misconception.  When 
we  remember  that  the  Darwinistic  conception 
applies  to  the  evolution  of  plants  as  well  as  of 
animals,  we  realize  how  absurd  it  is  to  think  of 
it  as  akin  to  conscious  fighting,  or  as  anything 
more  than  a  reaction  against  crowdedness, 
a  mutual  effort  against  severe  conditions  of 
life,  or  at  most  a  struggle  for  food  and  light  and 
air. 

Mutual  effort  I  say,  for  there  is  much  uncon- 
scious co-operation  about  the  struggle,  far  more 
co-operation  than  is  usually  admitted.  Not  to 
speak  of  the  obvious  case  of  the  social  animals,  who 
manifestly  contribute  to  each  other's  welfare,  nor 
of  what  there  is  still  less  need  to  mention,  the 
sheer  nobility  of  motherhood — which  goes  without 
saying  as  an  example  of  loving  help — we  can  adduce 
the  interlocking  of  animals  and  plants  in  the 
economy  of  nature,  and  the  inter-relation  among 
animals  so  that  by  the  sacrifice  of  some  species 
others  manage  to  live,  as  all  illustrating  a  harmoni- 
ous and  co-operating  though  unconsciously  con- 
ducted scheme — as  unconscious  and  instinctive  as 
the  service  bees  render  to  plants,  and  plants  to 
bees.  Thus  it  is  that  they  all  live  together 
and  prosper  fairly,  with  numbers  kept  down 
to  a  reasonable  level.  The  mutual  depend- 
ence on  each  other  is  a  sign  of  unconscious 
co-operation  and  mutual  aid,  rather  than  of 
hostility  and  warfare.  The  system  is  a  simula- 
tion in  the  unconscious  world  of  love  as  well 


58  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

as    of    hate,    and    of    self-devotion    as    well    as 
of  strife. 

But,  apart  from  this,  the  facts  on  which  the 
Darwinian  theory  is  based  are  merely  these: — 

(1)  Organisms  reproduce  themselves  and 
tend  to  increase  in  number. 

(2)  The  rate  of  reproduction  is  so  great 
that  it  is  impossible  for  all  to  survive. 

(3)  Those    survive,    or    tend    to    survive, 
whose   special    features   are   best   adapted   to 
their  environment. 

(4)  The  special  features  or  peculiarities  of 
individuals    tend    to    be   transmitted   to   their 
descendants. 

(5)  Hence    the    race    gradually    becomes 
better     adapted     to     its     surroundings,     and 
accommodates    itself    to    the    prevailing    con- 
ditions. 

(6)  The    environment    therefore,    in    con- 
junction with  the  unalterable   facts  of  here- 
dity, may  be  said  to  govern  selection. 

It  is  round  clauses  (4)  and  (5)  that  most  dis- 
cussion and  controversy  arise:  and  it  is  not  likely 
that  these  simple  statements  solve  the  whole  prob- 
lem of  organic  evolution, — far  from  it.  But  so 
far  as  they  go  they  are  undeniable,  and  the  im- 
portant thing  for  us  is  the  influence  of  environment, 
because  that  is  really  the  only  part  over  which  we 
have  any  control. 

A  writer  in  the  Eugenics  Review,  Mr.  T.  G. 
Chambers,  says: — 

"What  has  to  be  realized  to-day — and  this 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  great  lesson  to  be  learned 


TWO  FALLACIES  59 

from  a  study  of  the  principles  of  evolution — is 
that  man  has  a  very  considerable  power  to 
determine  what  is  to  survive.  If  this  be  true 
a  colossal  responsibility  rests  upon  man.  He 
may  by  his  actions  cause  to  survive  that  which 
he  knows  to  be  good  or  that  which  he  knows  to 
be  evil.  By  his  influence  upon  environment 
he  possesses  a  considerable  control.  He  may 
create  survival  values.  The  beneficial  effect 
of  his  influence  in  this  direction  will  depend 
entirely  upon  his  ethical  principles.  Just  as  man 
might,  if  he  chose,  breed  hideous  gruesome  beasts 
by  selection,  and  thus  produce  horrors,  so  he 
can  by  his  influence  over  the  environment 
of  his  own  race  give  survival  value  to  base  and 
evil  characteristics,  and  thus  cause  the  deteriora- 
tion of  the  race.  He  is  working  within  the  laws 
of  evolution.  He  may,  on  the  other  hand, 
so  influence  environment  as  to  tend  to  give 
survival  value  to  the  highest  and  noblest 
characteristics,  and  thus,  working  within  the 
same  laws,  he  is  raising  the  ethical  standard 
of  the  race." 

So  far  as  humanity  alone  is  concerned  the  really 
helpful  struggle  for  life  is  not  that  of  the  battle- 
field, but  of  the  City,  the  workshop,  and  the  home; 
the  struggle  for  political  and  religious  freedom,  for 
reasonable  leisure,  for  more  domestic  comfort; 
and  above  all  the  never  ending  striving  towards  a 
higher  standard  of  conduct  and  greater  nobility  of 
soul. 

FALLACY  No.  2 

The  second  error  is  the  absolute  enthronement 
of  material  power;  the  blasphemous  notion  that 


60  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

nothing  higher  than  the  State  exists,  and  that 
there  is  no  moral  law,  human  or  divine,  to  which 
the  strongest  State  is  subject;  nothing  above  its 
own  conception  of  what  is  beneficial  to  itself. 
Expediency  thus  becomes  the  supreme  guide;  all 
other  considerations  are  signs  of  weakness  and 
timidity;  the  sole  national  virtue  is  power  to 
execute  what  it  intends;  the  one  fatal  sin  is  de- 
ficiency of  power.  If  any  given  State  is  supremely 
strong,  there  exists  no  power  above  it;  it  is  free 
to  execute  its  own  behests,  and  to  dominate  and 
coerce  the  world. 

This  pernicious  doctrine,  the  genesis  of  which  we 
dealt  with  in  Chapter  VI,  is  what  must  be  over- 
thrown; and  so  great  is  the  importance  of  the 
final  demonstration  of  its  falsity  that  a  heavy  price 
is  being  paid  for  it,  in  suffering  and  death. 
In  no  other  way  could  the  conviction  of  error 
be  so  thoroughly  burnt  into  the  conscience  of 
humanity. 

And  the  conditions  for  the  proof  are  sound.    No 

one  will  be  able  to  say  that  the  German  nation 

was  weak,  that  it  was  caught  unprepared,  that  it 

had  not  every  advantage  which  the  appliances  and 

discoveries  of  the  nineteenth  century  could  grant 

it.     In  all  adventitious  and  material  ways  it  had 

immensely  the  advantage.     It  chose  its  own  time, 

and    it    struck    with    vigour,    determination,    and 

enthusiasm.    Only  on  the  spiritual,  the  immaterial 

j  side,  was  it  deficient;  and  so  the  conscience  of 

/  humanity  has  risen  up  against  it,  and  it  will  be 

'  defeated. 

The  whole  strength  of  every  enlightened  nation, 
and  of  every  individual  in  the  nation,  must  com- 
bine to  resist  it.  And  if  England  is  in  the  van, 


TWO  FALLACIES  61 

as  it  is  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle;  if  it  draw 
upon  itself,  as  it  is  doing,  the  hatred  and  fierce 
antagonism  of  the  powers  of  evil;  so  much  the 
more  joyful  and  hopeful  for  the  England  of  the 
future.  It  will  come  out  of  the  struggle  braced  and 
invigorated,  and  renewed  in  the  spirit  of  its 
mind. 

We  needed  this  effort,  and  this  sacrifice  of  ease 
and    prosperity;    but    the     sinews    of    the    na- 
tion   are    still    sound.     She   has    seen    dark   days 
before;  indeed,  as  Emerson  says,  she  has  "a  kind\ 
of  instinct  that  she  sees  a  little  better  in  a  cloudy  I 
day." 

And  those  who  are  young  have  the  joy  of  taking    j 
part  in  the  struggle,  and  will  reap  the  fruits  of    / 
the  great  national  experience  henceforth  through-  -y 
out  their  lives.    Let  them  see  to  it  that  they  make 
use  of  their  opportunities  and  have  nothing  to 
regret  when  the  trial  is  over,  when  victory  super- 
venes and  peace   reigns  once  more.     Other   less 
obvious  opportunities  there  will  always  be,  when 
these  exceptional  ones  are  gone:  that  is  true:  but 
lost  opportunities  never  return. 


CHAPTER  IX 

GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND :  GERMAN  ATTITUDE 
Fas  est  et  ab  hoste  doceri 

IT  is  not  waste  of  time  to  study  the  character 
of  an  alien  civilization  if  it  is  sufficiently  like 
our  own  to  enable  us  to  learn  something  from 
it — even  if  we  gather  from  it  only  caution  and 
warning.  From  Germany  we  have  much  to  learn, 
both  in  the  positive  and  the  negative  direction.  In 
the  past  we  have  been  trying  to  assimilate  the 
good.  In  the  present  we  must  also  take  warning 
by  the  bad. 

The  British  idea  that  every  citizen  is  entitled 
to  express  his  opinion  on  politics  has  no  doubt  its 
ludicrous  side,  but  it  is  also  a  safeguard.  Instinct 
may  be  wiser  than  knowledge  in  some  cases,  and  it 
is  to  be  presumed  that  the  average  man  is  governed 
by  a  sort  of  instinct,  since  he  certainly  cannot  have 
much  knowledge.  Undoubtedly,  however,  he 
ought  to  have  more,  and  that  is  one  reason 
why  W.E.A.  and  other  Labour  movements  in 
the  direction  of  self-education  are  so  im- 
portant. 

It  is  also  the  chief  reason  why  the  Country 
should  be  kept  better  informed.  Self-sacrificing 
action  cannot  be  expected  merely  on  a  basis 
of  gossip  and  uncertainty.  The  information, 

62 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  63 

both  about  facts  and  about  policy,  which 
privately  spreads  among  politicians  and  is  thus 
presumably  accessible  occasionally  to  highly 
placed  enemies,  should  be  more  widely  and 
definitely  disseminated;  as  it  is  in  France,  where 
the  Government — more  clearly  and  logically 
recognizing  the  fact  of  democracy — takes  the 
people  into  its  confidence.  Common  rumour  is  fal- 
lacious and  slanderous  at  times,  and  too  little 
gratitude  is  felt  for  those  who  are  bearing  a  serious 
National  burden.  But,  on  the  whole,  one  instinct 
that  I  hope  our  race  is  acquiring  is  not  to  believe  in 
lies,  however  insistently  they  are  told  us,  but  to 
read  between  the  lines  and  judge  of  the  facts  for 
ourselves.  This  instinct  seems  not  to  exist  in 
Germany,  where  the  people  swallow  lies  like  chil- 
dren who  have  never  run  the  gauntlet  of  a  Public 
School;  where  it  is  said  that  in  the  first  term 
new  boys  believe  everything  that  is  told  them,  in 
the  second  term  disbelieve  everything,  and  in  the 
third  term  begin  to  discriminate  between 
truth  and  falsehood.  The  Germans  seem  to 
be  in  their  first  term;  and  until  they  have 
learnt  wisdom  by  bitter  experience  they  are 
a  danger  and  menace  to  the  world.  Their 
great  Army  is  like  a  first-class  revolver  in 
the  hands  of  a  clever  but  mischevious  child. 
Their  old  child-like  strength  and  simplicity 
are  now  spoiled — let  us  hope  not  irretrievably 
spoiled.  At  present  "the  Germans,  having 
made  up  their  minds  to  be  a  nation  of  the  world, 
are  overdoing  it  with  a  German  thoroughness. 
They  have  tried,"  says  Mr.  Clutton-Brock  in  his 
Thoughts  on  the  War,  "they  have  tried  to  learn 
wisdom  like  industrious  scholars,  but,  being  a 


64  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

people  naturally  simple,  they  have  chosen  the  worst 
possible  teachers.  They  went  to  the  Prussians  and 
said  to  them,  Make  us  a  nation  of  the 
world;  and  the  Prussians,  for  their  own 
purposes,  did  their  best,  or  their  worst,  with 
them. 

"Prussia  has  gained  her  power  over  Germany 
because  she  is  more  utterly  worldly  than  any  other 
nation.  We  and  the  French  have  been  worldly 
enough,  but  we  have  always  known  that 
there  was  another  world.  Prussia  has  never 
known  that; — or,  rather,  the  other  world 
for  her,  if  it  exists  at  all,  is  just  the  same  as 
this  one,  except  that  it  is  more  favourable  to 
Prussia.  And  the  Germans,  diffident,  wavering, 
and  credulous  in  matters  of  the  world,  have  been 
overawed  by  her  narrow  certainty.  They  saw  that 
the  Prussians,  far  more  stupid  than  themselves, 
had  gained  power;  and  they  went  to  Prussia  to 
learn  the  secret  of  it.  So  she  taught  them  that 
all  the  German  virtues,  moral  and  intellectual, 
had  been  wasted  hitherto  because  they  had 
not  been  used  in  the  service  of  Germany.  Ger- 
man thought,  German  virtue,  German  culture  must 
now  be  all  as  proudly  and  consciously  German  as 
the  German  Army,  and,  like  that,  must  be  or- 
ganized for  victory.  The  Prussians  taught  this 
because  they  did  not  understand  the  German  vir- 
tues ;  and  the  Germans  learned  it  because  they  were 
still  children  and  Prussia  seemed  to  them  to  be 
grown  up." 

Many  Englishmen  who  have  been  accustomed 
to  remember  with  pride  their  German  training, 
and  who  still  regard  the  people  of  that  country 
with  affectionate  concern,  have  had  to  speak  in 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  65 

sad  accents  lately.  Professor  Sully,  writing  in 
the  Hibbert  Journal,  recently  described  his  ex- 
periences as  a  student  in  Gottingen  in  and  about 
the  year  1867 — i.e.  before  the  Franco-Prussian 
War — and  mentions  some  of  the  characteristics 
which  then  struck  him,  thus : — 

"One  feature  common  to  both  sexes  which  struck 
me  particularly  was  an  unwillingness  to  trespass 
upon  what  is  a  main  field  of  conversation 
for  English  people,  namely,  politics.  We 
soon  learned  that  this  reticence  was  not  wholly 
due  to  the  strong  feeling  aroused  by  the  recent 
annexation  of  Hanover  to  Prussia.  The  German 
habit  of  leaving  the  officials  to  settle  what  is  best 
for  the  country  seemed  to  us  to  be  only  one  illus- 
tration of  the  general  belief  in  the  expert,  in 
everybody's  having  his  special  domain  of  knowledge 
his  Pack,  outside  of  which  he  should  be  chary 
of  offering  his  opinion.  With  this  respect  for 
the  expert  there  seemed  to  associate  itself 
a  dull  uniformity  of  opinion  about  men, 
books,  and  other  things,  and  an  apparent 
timidity  in  expressing  views  of  a  marked  individu- 
ality. Even  in  those  days  one  could  see  the 
tendency  of  the  Germans  to  allow  their  minds  to 
be  'over-drilled.' ' 

And  Professor  W.  J.  Ashley  also,  who  received 
not  long  ago  an  Honorary  Degree  from  Berlin, 
says,  on  a  basis  of  experience  subsequent  to 
1870:— 

"In  academic  circles  the  legitimate  pride  in 
German  science  seemed  sometimes  to  have  become 
almost  an  obsession,  and  to  have  the  effect  of  shut- 
ting out  of  sight  what  was  being  done  in  other 
lands.  It  seemed  to  be  hardly  realized  that  what 


66  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Germany  had  to  teach  the  western  world  in  the 
way  of  thoroughness  and  method  had  already  been 
pretty  well  learnt,  and  that  there  were  intellectual 
qualities  of  almost  equal  value,  qualities  of  lucidity 
and  discrimination  and  balance,  which  could  per- 
haps be  better  learnt  elsewhere — even  in  the 
despised  France.  There  was  a  curious  national 
self-satisfaction  which  failed  to  perceive  that  the 
great  new  ideas,  the  waves  of  intellectual 
inspiration  within  and  without  the  realm  of 
scholarship  and  research,  which  were  affecting  the 
minds  of  this  generation  all  over  the  world,  were 
now  almost  all  of  them  coming  from  other  direc- 
tions than  Germany.  Again,  it  is  enough  to  turn 
to  France,  and  mention  such  names  as  Pasteur  and 
Rodin  and  Loisy  and  Bergson. 

"The  word  for  it  all,  I  am  afraid  I  must  say, 
is  simply  'conceit.'  But  then  [he  goes  on]  I  have 
reflected  that  there  have  been  times  when  we 
ourselves  were  similarly  difficult  to  get  on  with. 
I  suppose  nobody,  at  this  time  of  day,  would  say 
that  Palmerston  was  positively  ingratiating  in 
his  dealings  with  other  countries;  and  if  we  want 
to  see  how  confined  was  the  outlook  of  the 
middle- Victorian  Englishman  we  have  but  to 
go  back  to  ...  Thackeray's  unconscious  ex- 
emplifications. And  as  I  believed  that  England 
had  become  a  little  more  tolerant,  a  little  less 
self -pleased,  a  little  less  heavy-handed  than  in 
Palmerston's  time,  so  I  hoped  that  the  German 
phase  of  self-glorification  and  disregard  for  the 
feelings  of  others  would  also  pass  away,  with- 
out a  great  cataclysm.  I  was  mistaken;  but  I 
am  not  ashamed  of  having  ascribed  to  Ger- 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  67 

many  a  reserve  of  statesmanship  and  cool  sense 
which  it  is  now  apparent  it  did  not  possess." 

Many  of  us  could  say  the  same  about  our 
friendly  admiration  for  what  we  thought  was 
Germany.  The  revelation  has  been  appalling. 

The  Editor  of  the  Hibbert  Journal,  in  April 
1915,  thus  summarizes  both  Germany's  strength 
and  weakness: — 

"Germany  is,  and  has  long  been,  the  great 
head-centre  of  the  critical  movement  in  all  its 
departments.  She  has  turned  her  critical  faculty 
on  the  problems  of  society  and  has  developed 
an  industrial  and  military  organization  which 
for  theoretical  completeness  is  without  a  rival. 
She  has  created  a  social  machine  which  can 
be  set  working  by  the  pressure  of  a  button; 
but,  through  her  constant  oversight  of  the 
human  element,  she  has  left  the  button  at  the 
mercy  of  the  most  dangerous  element  in  the 
State. 

"While  there  is  no  nation  which  thinks  so\ 
much  as  the  German,  there  are  many  which 
enjoy  more  freedom  of  thought.  Her  thought  J 
is  standardized,  and  the  expert  controls  its 
direction  throughout  an  immense  variety  of 
products.  Once  the  most  creative  of  nations, 
she  has  now  become  the  least.  Her  originality 
is  mainly  of  one  kind:  she  makes  new  departures 
in  criticism  and  invents,  or  borrows,  new  ma- 
chines— social,  industrial,  military,  philosophical, 
and  religious.  Nowhere  else  is  psychology  so 
much  studied,  and  human  nature  so  little  under- 
stood." 

Thus  the  misunderstandings  between  England 
and  Germany  are  not  superficial  but  deep  seated. 


68  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

They  do  not  merely  involve  questions  of  com- 
mercial interests,  but  they  are  rooted  in  a 
conflict  of  principles  and  ideals.  Dr.  Sarolea 
in  1912  predicted  that  if  a  war  between  the 
two  countries  did  break  out,  it  would  not  be 
merely  an  economic  war,  like  the  colonial  wars 
between  France  and  England  in  the  eighteenth 
century;  rather  would  it  partake  of  the  nature 
of  a  political  and  religious  crusade,  like  the 
French  wars  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Empire. 
The  strain  between  England  and  Germany,  he 
implies,  is  part  of  the  old  conflict  between 
Liberalism  and  despotism,  between  industrialism 
and  militarism,  between  progress  and  reaction, 
between  the  masses  and  the  classes.  One  nation 
believes  in  political  liberty  and  national 
autonomy,  its  Press  is  free  and  the  rulers  are 
responsible  to  public  opinion;  whereas  in  the 
other  nation  public  opinion  is  still  muzzled  or 
powerless,  and  the  masses  are  still  under  the 
heel  of  an  absolute  government,  a  reactionary 
party,  a  military  Junkertum,  and  a  despotic 
bureaucracy.  The  root  of  the  evil  in  Germany 
lies  in  the  fact  that  in  Germany  the  war  spirit 
and  the  war  caste  still  prevail,  and  that  a  mili- 
tary Power  like  Prussia  is  the  predominant 
partner  in  the  German  Confederation. 

The  fact  is  that  the  old  policy  of  Frederick 
the  Great  survives  in  Prussia  to  this  day.  It  is 
true  that  he  still  governs  Prussia.  Of  Frederick, 
Bernhardi  says: — 

"The  aggrandizement  of  his  territory  had 
become  a  necesssity,  if  Prussia  wanted  to  exist 
on  a  business  footing  and  bear  its  royal  name 
with  honour.  The  king  saw  this  political  neces- 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  69 

sity,  and  took  the  bold  decision  to  challenge 
Austria.  None  of  the  wars  which  he  waged 
were  forced  upon  him.  None  did  he  postpone 
to  the  last  extremity.  Always  he  reserved  it 
to  himself  to  initiate  the  attack,  to  forestall  his 
adversaries,  and  to  secure  the  most  favourable 
chances." 

Compare  with  this  attitude  what  Bernhardi 
advised  in  1911  about  policy  to-day,  and  about 
the  best  method  of  concealing  the  nature  of 
what  would  really  be  a  war  of  aggression: — 

"If  we  did  attack  either  France  or  Russia, 
the  other  would  be  compelled  to  come  to  the 
rescue,  and  we  should  find  ourselves  in  a  much 
worse  position  than  if  we  had  only  to  combat 
one  adversary.  It  must  therefore  be  the  duty 
of  our  diplomacy  so  to  shuffle  the  cards  as  to 
compel  France  to  attack  us.  We  might  then 
expect  that  Russia  would  remain  neutral. 

"One  thing  is  certain,  we  shall  not  get 
France  to  attack  us  by  mere  passive  waiting. 
Neither  France  nor  Russia  nor  England  need 
attack  us  to  obtain  what  they  want.  As  long 
as  we  are  afraid  to  be  the  aggressors,  they  can 
gain  all  they  need  from  us  by  diplomatic  means, 
as  has  been  proved  by  the  recent  Moroccan  events. 
Hence,  if  we  wish  to  bring  about  an  attack  on 
the  part  of  our  enemies  we  must  initiate  a  political 
action  which,  without  attacking  France,  yet  will 
hurt  her  interests  and  those  of  England  so 
severely  that  both  States  will  feel  obliged  to 
attack  us.  The  possibilities  for  such  a  procedure 
present  themselves  in  Africa  as  well  as  in 
Europe." 


70  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Commenting  in  1912  upon  this  free-spoken 
utterance,  Dr.  Sarolea  says: — 

"The  General  has  spoken  with  the  frankness 
of  a  soldier,  and  not  with  the  reticence  of  a 
diplomat.  The  British  people  will  be  grateful 
to  the  gallant  soldier  for  his  candour,  however 
cynical.  They  will  remember  some  of  his 
admissions  and  some  of  his  indiscretions,  and 
[warned  by  these]  they  will  perhaps  be  less 
inclined  henceforward  to  political  optimism — less 
inclined  to  assume  that  the  present  differences 
between  Germany  and  England  are  to  be  removed 
by  international  courtesies,  by  Parliamentary 
visits  and  banquets,  or  that  difficulties  will  be 
solved  by  a  policy  of  passive  acquiescence  and 
blissful  repose." 

Alas!  we  of  the  general  English  public  knew 
too  little  of  what  was  being  hatched  behind  the 
scenes,  and  did  not  trust  the  clear-sighted  vision 
of  our  prophets. 

For  a  time  ingenious  and  organized  deceit 
appears  to  answer,  in  a  world  accustomed  to  fair 
dealing;  but  now  at  length  the  atrocious  false- 
hoods and  lying  diplomacy  by  which  Prussian 
representatives  seek  to  deceive  neutral  nations 
have  overreached  themselves.  Their  deeds 
have  drowned  their  words,  and  the  reaction  of 
neutral  nations,  especially  of  America,  can  be 
expressed  in  those  words  of  Emerson:  "What 
]  you  are  speaks  so  loudly,  we  cannot  hear 
1  what  you  say." 

Still  we  may  be  puzzled  as  to  why  they  take 
all  this  trouble,  and  why  they  detest  us  so  much. 
For  one  thing,  they  are  hideously  annoyed  with 
our  successful  colonization,  and  think  that  they 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  71 

could  do  the  same  with  the  same  opportunities. 
If  they  could,  then  presumably  they  would  al- 
ready have  done  so;  but  as  Governors  of 
Colonies  they  have  been  complete  failures,  and 
not  a  population  desires  to  be  under  their  thumb. 
So  they  think  they  can  mend  matters  by  whole- 
sale robbery  and  by  taking  colonies,  as  going 
concerns,  from  other  people. 

Dr.  Sarolea,  with  his  usual  acumen,  hits  off 
the  position  exactly: — 

"The  final  responsibility  must  be  traced  to 
the  political  and  moral  shortcomings  of  the 
German  people  themselves.  After  all,  success- 
ful colonization,  as  distinguished  from  the  old 
predatory  Imperialism,  is  the  fruit  of  political 
freedom,  of  individual  initiative,  of  a  spirit  of 
adventure  and  enterprise;  and  until  recently  the 
German  people  were  lacking  in  every  one  of 
those  qualities. 

"Germany  is  not  really  a  nation  of  colonists 
in  the  exact  sense  of  the  word,  for  a  colonist 
is  a  man  who  settles  in  a  new  land,  and  a  man 
who  settles  in  a  new  land  must  be  a  pioneer 
and  an  adventurer.  Now  the  German  does  not 
like  to  settle  in  a  new  land;  he  is  so  accus- 
tomed to  passive  obedience  that  he  does  not 
succeed  in  those  new  countries  where  initiative 
is  the  first  quality  required.  He  generally  prefers 
to  go  to  old  settled  countries,  like  the  United 
States,  or  Brazil,  (or  Australia),  which  have 
already  an  organized  government." 

Baron  von  Hugel  sums  up  the  weakness 
of  Germans,  regarded  as  colonizers,  very 
clearly : — 

"It  is  precisely  where  the  Prussianized  German 


72  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

attains  to  supreme  power,  that  his  defects  show 
and  tell.  'Live  and  let  live/ — patience,  toler- 
ance, geniality,  comradeship,  trust,  generosity; 
the  willingness,  the  desire,  to  see  races,  social 
organizations,  religions,  subtly  different  from  our 
own,  developing,  each  at  its  best,  in  an  atmos- 
phere of  large  tolerance;  with  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt  (where  the  State  appears  endangered  by 
such  tolerance)  always  given  in  favour  of  the 
liberty  and  responsibility  of  these  various  in- 
dividuals and  complexes, — all  this  is  funda- 
mentally necessary  for  successful  colonial  rule, 
and  this  is  not  necessarily  associated  with 
manufacturing  and  mercantile  (and  military) 
gifts. 

"It  is  no  accident  that  England,  a  great 
colonial  Power,  is  not  a  great  military  Power, 
and  that  it  holds  India  with,  comparatively, 
a  handful  of  European  troops.  You  are  hardly 
likely  to  possess  both  gifts  and  tastes  to  a 
high  degree;  and  you  will,  in  any  case,  find 
that  an  intense  militarism  profoundly  hinders, 
and  does  not  help,  a  wholesome  colonial  rule. 
Recent  Germany,  unfortunately  for  us  all,  thinks 
that  not  only  are  these  things,  at  their  intensest, 
thoroughly  compatible,  but  that  the  one  neces- 
sarily furnishes  the  might,  and  hence  the  right, 
to  the  other." 

Thus  the  mere  fact  that  we  succeed,  by  ap- 
parently casual  methods,  where  they  fail  by 
highly  elaborated  officialism,  is  a  cause  of  much 
irritation,  and  has  helped  to  engender  an  orga- 
nized feeling  of  hate.  Baron  von  Hugel  goes 
on  to  say, — 

"The     bitterness     felt     by     so     many     home 


GERMANY  AND  ENGLAND  73 

Germans  against  the  English  successes  amongst 
foreign  and  native  races,  is  doubtless  greatly 
intensified  by  the  English  appearing  to  the  Ger- 
man to  succeed  as  it  were  in  play, — as  cricketers 
and  golfers,  as  'good  fellows'  who,  with  a 
school  and  university  education  of  little  con- 
centration, and  with,  say,  some  six  hours  of 
office  work,  comparatively  simple  administrative 
machinery,  and  small  bodies  of  military,  succeed 
where  he  fails.  These  Britishers  are  mostly 
not  theoretical  at  all,  they  possess  loosely  knit 
minds  and  moderate  passions.  The  German 
works  intensely,  systematically,  preparing  every- 
thing; and  yet  his  complex  bureaucracy,  his 
militarist  self-repression,  his  huge  plans,  lead 
to  little  or  nothing.  Thus  the  'flannelled  fool' 
utterly  out-distances  the  iron  will  and  fierce 
labour  of  highly  trained  specialists.  Hogarth's 
Idle  Apprentice,  unjustly  yet  quite  understand- 
ably, envied  the  solid  successes  of  the  Indus- 
trious Apprentice.  But  would  not  the  Industrious 
Apprentice  grow  wildly  bitter  if  the  Apprentice 
who  seemed  to  him  Idle,  at  least  as  com- 
pared with  himself,  somehow  carried  off  one 
great  solid  success  after  the  other  from  under 
his  very  eyes?" 

Yes,  it  must  be  aggravating;  and  it  would  be  a 
great  mistake  for  us  to  pride  ourselves  on  our 
foolishness,  as  if  it  were  that  and  not  some 
less  obtrusive  real  merit — especially  the  spirit  of 
recognized  and  permitted  freedom — which  has 
given  us  success  as  pioneers.  Once  beyond  the 
pioneering  stage  the  Germans  have  much  to 
teach  us;  and  if  only  they  had  fought  fairly 
and  honourably  we  could  have  sympathized  with 


74  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

them,  and  should  have  felt  genuinely  like  friends 
who  possess  different  aptitudes  and  powers — 
each  admiring  the  other.  They  make  excellent 
colonists  under  the  freedom  of  British  institu- 
tions. Settlers  in  Australia,  for  instance,  by 
no  means  hanker  for  a  return  to  Prussian 
officialdom.  German  interests  were  in  no  danger, 
they  had  a  perfectly  open  door  for  their  com- 
merce, and  the  meritorious  part  of  their  civiliza- 
tion was  spreading:  if  only  they  had  not  been 
too  hasty  and  too  greedy  and  too  determined  on 
territorial  expansion  at  the  expense  of  thriving 
neighbours. 


CHAPTER  X 

ENGLAND  AND  GERMANY:   ENGLISH 
ATTITUDE 

WHATEVER  German  intentions  may  be 
or  may  have  been  with  respect  to  terri- 
torial expansion,  it  is  quite  certain 
that  no  considerations  of  that  kind  explain  our 
entry  into  the  war.  Fortunately  for  us  the 
British  Interest  note  has  never  been  sounded 
in  the  present  case — beyond  the  vital  need  for 
defence — and  we  are  working  whole-heartedly 
and  disinterestedly  with  our  Allies.  It  is  most 
true,  as  Edward  Lyttelton  has  said,  that  "from 
the  outset  of  this  grim  business  Britons  have 
been  nerved  to  do  and  die  because  they  have 
set  themselves  to  vindicate  principles  which  are 
to  us  and  to  all  men,  though  some  see  it  not, 
of  infinitely  greater  value  than  any  power  or 
prestige  or  Empire." 

The  deeply-engrained  and  unanimous  horror 
of  the  English-speaking  race  at  the  main  inter- 
national crime  which  was  initially  committed  by 
our  foes  is  thus  expressed  by  our  good  friend 
of  American  birth,  Henry  James: — 

"Personally,"  he  says,  "I  feel  so  strongly  on 
everything  that  the  war  has  brought  into  question 
for  the  Anglo-Saxon  peoples,  that  humorous 

75 


76  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

detachment  or  any  other  thinness  or  tepidity  of 
mind  on  the  subject  affects  me  as  vulgar  impiety, 
not  to  say  as  rank  blasphemy;  our  whole  race- 
tension  became  for  me  a  sublimely  conscious 
thing  from  the  moment  Germany  flung  at  us 
all  her  explanation  of  her  pounce  upon  Belgium 
for  massacre  and  ravage  in  the  form  of  the  most 
insolent  'Because  I  choose  to,  damn  you  all!' 
recorded  in  history." 

So  it  is  that  the  noblest  of  our  youth  have 
enrolled  themselves  for  the  necessary  work  of 
war,  whether  at  home  or  abroad;  and  many, 
alas,  of  the  flower  of  humanity  on  both  sides 
have  succumbed.  The  death  of  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's grandson,  successor  to  the  Hawarden 
estate,  inheritor  of  a  great  name,  and  himself 
of  brilliant  political  promise,  has  struck 
England  with  singular  poignancy;  and  the 
words  which  the  Grand  Old  Man  used,  in  1870, 
about  the  cause  to  which  this  country  has  now 
pledged  its  honour  and  the  lives  of  its  soldiers, 
may  well  be  recalled: — 

"We  felt  called  upon  to  enlist  ourselves  on 
the  part  of  the  British  nation  as  advocates  and 
as  champions  of  the  integrity  and  independence 
of  Belgium.  And  if  we  had  gone  to  war  we 
should  have  gone  to  war  for  freedom,  we  should 
have  gone  to  war  for  public  right,  we  should 
have  gone  to  war  to  save  human  happiness 
from  being  invaded  by  tyrannous  and  lawless 
power.  That  is  what  I  call  a  good  cause, 
gentlemen.  And  though  I  detest  war, — and 
there  are  no  epithets  too  strong,  if  you  could 
supply  me  with  them,  that  I  will  not  endeavour 
to  heap  upon  its  head, — in  such  a  war  as  that, 


ENGLAND  AND  GERMANY  77 

while  the  breath  in  my  body  is  continued  to  me, 
I  am  ready  to  engage.  I  am  ready  to  support 
it,  I  am  ready  to  give  all  the  help  and 
aid  I  can  to  those  who  carry  this  country  into 
it." 

Forty-five  years  later  the  readiness  of  his  and 
of  many  another  noble  family  has  been  tested, 
and  has  rung  true. 

So  we  have  stood  up  for  the  integrity  of 
the  smaller  nations  against  a  European  bully: 
knowing  that  we  should  suffer  much  strain  and 
loss,  but  throwing  ourselves  into  the  struggle 
in  accordance  with  our  pledged  word,  without 
counting  the  cost. 

Happy  are  all  free  nations,  too  strong  to  be  dispossessed, 
But  blessed  are  they  among  nations,  that  dare  to  be  strong 
for  the  rest. 

But  that  is  not  how  our  attitude  appears, 
to  our  foes,  nor  ever  has  appeared.  Professor 
Cramb,  explaining  German  views  of  England 
long  before  ever  the  present  war  began,  speaks 
of  the  hostility  to  England  then  prevalent,  and 
says  that  in  the  great  historian  Professor  von 
Treitschke, — whose  lectures  in  Berlin  were 
crowded  with  the  elite  of  that  capital, — antago- 
nism reaches  a  height  and  persistence  of  rancour 
or  contempt  which  in  so  great  a  man  is  arresting 
if  not  unique.  For  him  the  greatness  of  England 
passed  with  the  seventeenth  century,  with  Crom- 
well and  Milton. 

People  who  fail  to  understand  us  may 
regard  us  as  hypocritical.  We  are  weak,  and 
fall  below  our  ideals,  but  we  are  not  hypocrites. 
Hypocrisy  is  not  indeed  very  common;  it  is  not 


78  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

an  English  vice  at  all.  The  conduct  of  some 
Englishmen  has  thrown  scorn  upon  the  lofty 
attitude  of  others;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  too 
common  and  painful  experience  that  at  different 
times,  even  in  the  same  individual,  religious  emo- 
tion is  not  inconsistent  with  debased  acts. 
Humanity  is  a  complex  thing,  and  not  only  the 
same  nation  but  the  same  individual  may  say  one 
thing  and  do  another;  thereby  of  course  bringing 
some  discredit  on  his  religious  convictions,  and 
enabling  his  practice  to  be  thrown  up  against  his 
preaching.  But  in  spite  of  weaknesses  of  that 
kind,  King  David  was  not  a  hypocrite. 

The  Prussian  theory  deprecates  the  subjuga- 
tion of  one's  own  will  to  any  higher  and  nobler 
purpose;  it  cannot  understand  the  kind  of  Divine 
service  that  is  perfect  freedom;  it  would  re- 
pudiate Tennyson's  aspiration  after  the  highest 
kind  of  self-will: — 

Our  wills  are  ours,  we  know  not  how ; 
Our  wills  are  ours,  to  make  them  thine. 

Is  an  attitude  like  that  weakness?  Is  that 
hypocrisy?  A  thousand  times,  No! 

GROUNDS  OF  DISLIKE 

But  though  it  is  true  that  we  have  not  been 
liked,  even  our  good  attributes  having  been  mis- 
conceived and  mistrusted,  the  Germans  have  been 
disliked  still  more.  This  fact,  steeped  as  they 
are  in  self-admiration,  seems  to  come  to  them 
as  a  surprise.  They  try  to  court  the  approval 
of  neutral  nations,  to  deprecate  any  rebuke  for 
their  conduct;  and  they  regard  hostility,  or  even 


ENGLAND  AND  GERMANY  79 

lukewarmness  of  approbation,  as  undeserved  and 
hurting  to  their  feelings.  They  go  about  saying, 
in  the  sense  if  not  the  words  of  Gilbert  and 
Sullivan's  Opera,  Princess  Ida— 

And  everybody  says  I'm  such  a  disagreeable  man, 
And  I  can't  think  why ! 

Well,  considering  their  history,  the  widespread 
dislike  is  not  really  surprising.  Dr.  Sarolea 
estimated  the  reason  clearly  enough: — 

"Wherever  German  power  has  made  itself  felt 
for  the  last  forty  years — in  Italy  and  Austria, 
in  Russia  and  Turkey — it  has  countenanced  re- 
action and  tyranny.  In  politics  Germany  is  to-day 
what  Austria  and  Russia  were  in  the  days  of 
the  Holy  Alliance,  the  power  of  darkness. 
Whilst  in  the  provinces  of  science  and  art  the 
German  people  are  generally  progressive,  in  poli- 
tics the  German  Government  is  consistently 
retrogressive.  It  cannot  be  sufficiently  emphasized 
and  repeated  that,  more  than  any  other  State — 
more  even  than  Russia — Prussia  stands  in  the 
way  of  political  advance.  It  was  Prussia  that 
helped  to  crush  the  Polish  struggle  for  freedom 
in  1863;  when,  a  few  years  ago,  English  public 
opinion  was  protesting  against  the  Armenian 
massacres,  the  Kaiser  stood  loyally  by  Abdul 
Hamid  and  propped  his  tottering  throne;  when 
the  Russian  Liberals  were  engaged  in  a  life- 
and-death  struggle  with  Czardom,  the  Kaiser 
gave  his  moral  support  to  Russian  despotism. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  it  is  the  evil 
influence  of  Prusso-Germany  alone  which  keeps 
despotism  alive  in  the  modern  world." 

And,  again, — 


80  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

"Prussia  owes  whatever  she  is,  and  whatever 
territory  she  has,  to  a  systematic  policy  of 
cunning  and  deceit,  of  violence  and  conquest. 
No  doubt  she  has  achieved  an  admirable  work 
of  organization  at  home,  and  has  fulfilled  what 
was  perhaps  a  necessary  historic  mission,  but 
in  her  international  relations  she  has  been 
mainly  a  predatory  Power.  She  has  stolen  her 
Eastern  provinces  from  Poland;  she  is  largely 
responsible  for  the  murder  of  a  great  civilized 
nation.  She  has  wrested  Silesia  from  Austria. 
She  has  taken  Hanover  from  its  legitimate 
rulers.  She  has  taken  Schleswig-Holstein  from 
Denmark,  Alsace-Lorraine  from  France.  And 
to-day  [this  was  written  in  1912]  the  military 
caste  in  Prussia  trust  and  hope  that  a  final 
conflict  with  England  will  consummate  what 
previous  wars  have  so  successfully  accomplished 
in  the  past. 

"The  German  of  to-day  still  wants  to  rise 
and  to  soar;  no  longer  in  order  to  sow  broad- 
cast the  seeds  of  ideas  from  the  high  altitudes 
of  speculation,  but  rather  to  throw  down  bombs 
and  explosives."  Yes,  "a  season  of  calm  weather" 
our  prophets,  Plotinus  and  Tennyson  and 
Wordsworth,  have  taught  us  to  associate  with 
spiritual  vision  and  angels'  visits:  Materialism 
bids  us,  at  these  periods,  look  out  for  Zeppelins. 
And  the  dove,  which  by  mystical  writers  and 
artists  had  been  used  as  a  symbol  for  the  Holy 
Ghost,  has  become  a  Taube! 

But  let  us  always  distinguish  between  Prussia 
and  the  rest  of  Germany.  True,  the  rest  of 
Germany  has  subordinated  itself  to  Prussia, 
which  has  the  ultimate  political,  financial  and 


ENGLAND  AND  GERMANY  81 

military  control,  but  their  doing  so  has  been  a 
fearful  mistake  and  one  which  will  yet  cost 
them  dear. 

An  American  point  of  view  was  indicated  by 
an  editorial  in  the  New  York  Times: — 

"The  world  cannot,  will  not,  let  Germany 
win  in  this  war.  With  her  domination  over  all 
Europe,  peace  and  security  would  vanish  from 
tHe  earth.  ...  A  few  months  ago,  the  world 
only  dimly  comprehended  Germany,  now  it 
knows  her  thoroughly:  Germany  is  doomed  to 
sure  defeat.  Yet  the  doom  of  the  German  Empire 
may  become  the  deliverance  of  the  German 
people  if  they  will  betimes  but  seize  and  hold 
their  own/' 

"The  German  people  are  slandering  them- 
selves when  they  lay  themselves  prostrate  before 
the  sword  and  the  peaked  helmet  of  the  Hohen- 
zollern  monarchy.  They  are  not  predestined 
for  all  time  to  come  to  be  the  utterly  incapable 
politicians  which  they  profess  to  be.  They 
are  not  an  essentially  'unpolitical'  race  doomed 
to  anarchy,  and  the  Prussians  are  not  the 
imperial  race  predestined  to  supremacy.  Indeed, 
in  political  capacity  the  Southern  Germans  are 
far  more  gifted  than  the  Prussians.  Their 
traditions  of  municipal  government  are  as  su- 
perior to  the  bureaucratic  traditions  of  Prussia 
as  the  genius  of  liberty  is  superior  to  the  genius 
of  despotism.  No  country  can  boast  of  a  more 
glorious  civic  history  than  the  free  German 
cities  of  the  South  and  of  the  East." — So  says 
Dr.  Sarolea. 

The     following     characteristic     extract     from 


82  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Carlyle  serves  to  describe  the  typical  official 
Prussian : — 

"Examine  the  man  who  lives  in  misery  because 
he  does  not  shine  above  other  men;  who  goes 
about  producing  himself,  pruriently  anxious 
about  his  gifts  and  claims;  struggling  to  force 
everybody,  as  it  were,  begging  everybody  for 
God's  sake,  to  acknowledge  him  a  great  man,  and 
set  him  over  the  heads  of  men!  Such  a  creature 
is  among  the  wretchedest  sights  seen  under  the 
sun.  A  great  man?  A  poor,  prurient,  empty 
man;  fitter  for  the  ward  of  a  hospital  than  for  a 
throne  among  men.  I  advise  you  to  keep  out  of 
his  way.  He  cannot  walk  on  quiet  paths;  un- 
less you  will  look  at  him,  wonder  at  him,  write 
paragraphs  about  him,  he  cannot  live.  It  is  the 
emptiness  of  the  man,  not  his  greatness." 

Do  not  let  us  abuse  an  individual,  but  only 
a  type.  An  individual  may  be  a  figure-head, 
and  so  attract  to  himself  both  glory  and  dis- 
honour; but  a  human  personality  is  a  strange 
mixture,  it  contains  elements  of  good  and  bad, — 
and  human  judgment,  based  necessarily  on  im- 
perfect knowledge,  is  very  fallible — but  we  may 
sympathetically  admit  that  a  strong  personality 
set  up  on  a  pinnacle  is  in  a  difficult  and 
dangerous  position,  from  which  if  he  fall  he 
falls  like  Lucifer  never  to  rise  again. 


PART  II:  THE  PRESENT 

"The  accepted  time" 


Therefore  take  heed  how  you  impawn  our  person, 
How  you  awake  our  sleeping  sword  of  war : 
We  charge  you,  in  the  name  of  God,  take  heed ; 
For  never  two  such  kingdoms  did  contend 
Without  much  fall  of  blood ;  whose  guiltless  drops 
Are  every  one  a  woe,  a  sore  complaint, 
'Gainst  him  whose  wrongs  give  edge  unto  the  swords 
That  make  such  waste  in  brief  mortality. 

SHAKESPEARE,  Henry  V. 


PART  II:  THE  PRESENT 
CHAPTER  XI 

"S.O.S." 

WHAT  IS  THE  WAR  FOR? 

HUMANITY  has  much  to  contend  with;  it 
is  set  in  the  midst  of  tremendous  forces 
— surrounded  by  many  and  great  dangers 
— and  is  itself  full  of  infirmity;  contemplation 
of  their  evil  case  has  before  now  driven  men 
to  pessimism  or  to  despair.  All  our  mutual 
help  and  tolerance  are  needed  for  the  conduct 
of  life.  We  have  learned  to  be  sensitive  to  the 
grief  and  pain  of  others,  to  shrink  from  sights 
of  bodily  suffering  and  to  do  our  best  at  any 
cost  to  relieve  it.  When  earthquakes  or  ship- 
wrecks or  railway  accidents  occur,  we  stand 
horrified,  and  sometimes  mistrust  Providence. 
To  bring  such  catastrophes  about  on  purpose 
is  unthinkable. 

How  then  can  the  present  state  of  Europe 
be  credible,  or  other  than  a  ghastly  nightmare? 
All  the  resources  of  civilization  and  science 
utilized,  and  all  the  manhood  of  the  nations 
busily  engaged,  either  in  preparing  machinery 
for  inflicting  torture  and  death,  or  else  in  em- 
ploying them  for  this  hellish  purpose! 

Nor  is  the  suffering  limited  to  the  wounded 
alone.  The  links  of  affection  which  bind  one 

85 


86  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

human  being  to  another  afford  further  oppor- 
tunity for  exquisite  torture.  The  premature 
breakage  of  such  links,  and  the  agonized  fear  of 
friends  for  those  exposed  to  the  danger,  give 
scope  and  room  enough  for  a  cry  to  the  heavens, 
of  magnitude  such  as  cannot  have  ascended  in 
any  previous  epoch  of  the  world's  history. 

Collect  the  utterances  of  pain  and  grief  and 
heroism  throughout  antiquity:  they  would  have 
to  be  multiplied  many  fold  before  they  reach  in 
volume  the  agonized  supplications  rising  from 
the  far  more  numerous  and  tenderly  nurtured 
humanity  of  to-day.  Bereavement  is  wide- 
spread. The  voice  of  weeping  is  heard  through 
all  the  lands:  soon  in  every  family  there  must 
be  one  dead. 

It  is  a  terrible  time  for  women,  for  all 
mothers  and  wives  on  whom  the  blow  has  fallen 
or  soon  may  fall.  The  pain  may  take  the  form 
of  a  dazed  bewilderment  —  and  no  wonder  —  for 
there  never  yet  was  a  more  meaningless,  a  more 
diabolical,  stroke.  Here  is  an  expression  of  it 
which  in  simple  form  may  represent  the  feeling 
of  thousands:  — 

WIDOWED  IN   SPRING.1 

The  lattice  of  the  naked  boughs  is  turning  into  lace 
As  little  buds,  like  cunning  knots,  a  growing  pattern  trace. 
Across  a  sky  of  April  blue  the  swallows  wheel  and  chase, 
But  Nature's  beauty  sickens  me  when  I  only  want  his  face 
again  jjjs  honest,  ugly  face. 


1  1.  M.  P.  in  the  Westminster  Gazette  for  the  evening  be- 
fore the  ist  of  May,  1915.    So  Victor  Hugo  in  exile  : 

Le  moi  de  mai,  sans  la  France, 
II  n'est  plus  le  mois  de  mai. 


"S.O.S."  87 

I  draw  no  comfort  from  the  warmth  of  springtime  in  the 
land, 

For  there  is  winter  in  my  heart  and  round  my  head  a  band 

Of  burning  frost  that  numbs  my  brain.  ...  I  do  not  under- 
stand 

Why  Death  should  take  my  man  from  me  ere  I  could  clasp 
his  hand  again — 

His  strong,  protecting  hand. 

Yes,  the  shot  crashes  into  human  souls  as  well 
as  into  human  bodies;  the  guns  reach  far.  As 
Harold  Begbie  says, — 

"A  battlefield  is  only  the  outline  of  War. 
Fill  it  up  with  agonizing  anxiety,  with  burn- 
ing prayers,  with  maddening  sleeplessness,  with 
tears  and  sobs  and  groans;  fill  it  up  with  the 
heart's  capacity  for  utmost  grief  and  sharpest 
pain;  fill  it  up  with  suffering,  the  suffering 
of  women  and  children,  till  the  outline  is  as 
pitted  with  these  things  as  a  map  of  London 
is  pitted  with  names,  and  then  you  may  have 
some  idea,  some  faint  idea,  of  the  range  of  a 
heavy  gun  and  the  flight  of  a  bullet." 

Surely  there  must  be  some  deep  cause  and 
reason  for  all  this  suffering.  It  has  not  been 
sent  by  Providence;  it  has  been  brought  about 
by  man.  The  execution  of  the  design  is  wholly 
carved  out  by  humanity; 'it  is  self-torment,  a 
kind  of  self-flagellation,  that  we  are  witness- 
ing, a  determination  of  mankind  to  inflict  the 
utmost  evil  on  itself.  Surely  there  must  be 
some  good  reason? 

Or  is  it  mania,  a  homicidal  mania  that  has 
afflicted  some  portion  of  the  human  race,  so 
that  it  runs  amok  amid  its  fellows  and 


88  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

endeavours  to  exterminate  them  before  they  can 
defend  themselves? 

No  sane  man  or  set  of  men  could  imagine 
that  they  had  attained  to  so  great  an  elevation, 
so  high  and  mighty  a  culture,  that  all  the  rest  of 
mankind  must  either  immediately  rise  to  that 
status,  or  must  recognize  its  superiority  so 
vividly  as  instantly  to  succumb  and  grovel 
before  it.  Crazy  megalomania  is  not  unknown 
in  asylums,  and  it  has  to  be  kept  under  restraint. 
The  forms  it  takes  are  sometimes  humorous, 
and  onlookers  have  laughed  at  the  antics  of 
those  whose  sense  of  proportion,  of  decency,  and 
of  humour,  have  become  totally  obliterated.  But 
when  the  monomania  attacks  a  community  of 
high  organization  and  intelligence,  with  all  the 
resources  of  civilization  in  its  hands,  designed 
and  discovered  by  every  country  under  heaven 
and  constructed  with  the  best  brains  and  energy 
of  the  race, — then  the  spectacle  becomes  not 
humorous  but  tragic. 

Surely,  even  so,  a  glimmer  of  sense  remains: 
they  cannot  anticipate  conquest  without  a 
struggle,  they  must  realize  that  not  on  prostrate 
inferiors  alone  will  suffering  be  inflicted  but 
on  themselves  also,  that  their  own  nation  will 
suffer  untold  pain  and  grief  whatever  be  the 
ultimate  result.  Will  they  not  ask  themselves, 
is  the  result — can  any  possible  outcome — be 
worth  the  awful  sacrifice  which  must  be  made 
in  order  to  attain  it?  Either  they  never  asked 
the  question  in  this  way,  or  they  were  so 
obsessed  by  their  own  superiority  as  to  answer 
in  the  affirmative!  None  but  madmen  could 
give  such  an  answer.  No  others  could  set 


"S.O.S."  89 

themselves  against  the  whole  human  race,  with 
the  desire  to  exterminate  it  rather  than  fail  to 
impose  upon  it  their  own  ideas  of  progress  and 
civilization  and  culture. 

"We  look  around  upon  the  larger  life  of  the 
social  world  and  the  political  state —  that  mind- 
made  structure  into  which  the  knowledge,  the 
energy,  the  instructed  will,  of  unnumbered 
generations  of  men  have  built  themselves,  the 
greatest  by  far  of  all  the  achievements  of  the 
human  spirit:  what  do  we  see?  It  is  welter- 
ing chaos  thinly  crusted  over,  and  hardly  held 
down;  its  elements  ever  embattling  themselves 
for  war.  It  is  Civilization  itself,  the  hard-won 
product  of  man's  greatest  pains,  whose  security 
seems  to  many  to  be  at  stake,  striking  its 
moving  tent  and  facing  a  wilderness  which  no 
foot  has  ever  trodden,  and  no  man  knowing 
what  awaits  it." 

Will  it  emerge  at  last?  Or  are  its  forces 
once  more  to  be  rolled  backwards? 

It  is  certainly  interesting  that  ancient  methods 
of  warfare  have  been  to  some  extent  resusci- 
tated, and  that  battles  are  again  being  fought 
on  or  near  the  plains  of  Troy,  but  it  is  hardly 
encouraging  from  the  point  of  view  of  human 
progress.  The  inevitable  question  has  been 
put — 

"Shall  the  epitaph  on  our  human  kind  be 
nothing  better  than  a  forlorn  'As  it  was  in  the 
beginning,  is  now,  and  ever  shall  be'?  What 
advantageth  it  any  man  that  war  is  fought  in  the 
old  way,  in  the  ancient  places,  if  war  and  the 
rumours  of  war  shall  never  cease  from  our 
hearts?" 


90  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

And  the  writer  who  asks  this  question,  in  a 
paper  called  The  Arbitrator  for  May  1915,  con- 
tinues : — 

"There  are  times  when  hope  grows  faint,  and 
human  affairs  seem  to  the  tired  eye  and  the 
aching  brain  a  mere  whirling  revolution  round 
one  fixed  desperate  centre.  Bound  to  the  wheel, 
man  turns  full  cycle  in  the  course  of  the  ages. 
'You  know  as  well  as  we  do/  said  the  Athenians 
of  old  to  the  people  of  Melos,  'that,  as  the 
world  goes,  the  question  of  right  is  only  dis- 
cussed between  equals:  while,  among  those  who 
differ  in  power,  the  strong  do  what  they  can,  the 
weak  suffer  what  they  must. 

"Our  forefathers  had  high  and  generous 
aspirations  one  hundred  years  ago,  when  a 
quarter  of  a  century's  fighting  had  sobbed  itself 
to  sleep,  and  a  Holy  Alliance  seemed  to  promise 
halcyon  days  to  Europe.  Their  aspirations  were 
not  fulfilled.  Within  a  few  tens  of  years  the 
winds  of  war  were  awake  again,  and  rushed 
from  their  caverns,  in  sweeping  gusts  and  heavy 
gales,  to  traverse  a  continent  from  end  to  end. 
Their  fretting  clamour  arose,  as  it  arises  now,  to 
the  starry  silence  of  the  skies,  and  the  white 
radiance  of  eternity  was  stained,  as  it  is  stained 
to-day,  by  the  drifting  smoke  of  the  guns." 

Nor  only  of  the  guns.  To  their  eternal  shame 
they  broke  their  plighted  word  here  also,  and 
are  employing  as  instruments  of  torture  the 
liquefied  gases  discovered  by  our  own  Faraday 
in  Albemarle  Street,  during  a  century  of  what 
seemed  like  progress. 

Yet  in  one  sense  there  is  progress.  We  may 
be  thankful  that  with  us  "there  is  a  difference, 


"S.O.S."  91 

after  all,  between  the  tone  and  temper  of  this 
war  and  the  tone  and  temper  of  the  last  war 
that  England  waged.  Here,  at  least,  there  has 
not  been  recurrence.  Into  that  war  we  rushed 
as  if  it  were  a  joyous  venture;  into  this  we 
have  gone  as  if  it  were — what,  indeed,  it  is— 
a  bitterly  cruel  necessity.  We  have  not  flaunted 
our  flags  or  made  merry  over  our  enemies.  We 
have  possessed  our  souls  in  quietness.  .  .  . 
If  we .  can  but  capture  these  hours,  and 
make  them  ours  for  ever — if  we  can  but  make 
the  present  temper  of  the  nation  our  eternal 
possession — it  may  be  that  there  remains  a 
rest,  after  all,  if  not  for  us,  at  any  rate  for  our 
children." 


CHAPTER  XII 

MATERIAL    EFFICIENCY    AND 
SELF-INTEREST 

THE  essence  of  Christianity  is  persuasion, 
and  what  Matthew  Arnold  called  sweet 
reasonableness;  while  Teutonic  Kultur, 
on  the  other  hand,  deifies  force  and  material 
efficiency.  Short  of  this  worship  of  mere  expe- 
diency, however,  and  apart  altogether  from  their 
regarding  nothing  human  or  divine  as  above 
the  exigencies  and  expediency  of  the  State, 
the  German  people  have  set  an  example  to 
Europe  in  the  systematic  way  they  have  culti- 
vated the  practical  arts  and  the  applied  sciences. 
They  have  not  made  a  good  use  of  the  increased 
powers  so  conferred  upon  them,  but  they  have 
made  a  very  efficient  use;  and  in  that  they 
have  done  wisely.  They  have  shown  that  in 
their  generation  the  children  of  this  world  are 
wiser  than  the  children  of  light.  For  this  they 
deserve  praise,  and  have  received  it.  Material 
efficiency  is  a  good  thing,  German  example  in 
that  direction  was  being  extensively  preached; 
and  although  not  much  practised  yet  in  this 
country,  and  apparently  hardly  understood  by 
our  governing  classes,  yet  the  preachings  in 
time  would  have  had  their  due  effect.  The 

92 


MATERIAL  EFFICIENCY  93 

danger  is  now  that  the  wheat  will  be  thrown 
away  with  the  tares. 

We  had  much  to  learn  from  the  German 
nation;  we  find  that  we  had  much  to  reject 
also;  but  material  efficiency  in  the  cultivation 
of  science  is  not  one  of  the  things  we  have  to 
reject.  We  have  to  free  ourselves  from  what 
has  now  become  conspicuous — the  evil  soul  which 
has  cankered  and  devastated  all  their  progress — 
the  lying  and  spying  and  brutality  which  have 
poured  scorn  upon  their  science  as  well  as  upon 
their  politics  and  philosophy. 

In  praising  German  efficiency  I  referred 
just  now,  incidentally,  to  the  parable  of  the 
Unjust  Steward,  and  the  puzzling  commendation 
bestowed  upon  his  evil  practices — not  because 
they  were  evil,  but  because  they  were  for  his 
special  object  effective.  Their  evil  character  was 
the  self -destructive  part  of  them. 

So  it  is  with  German  efficiency.  For  we 
must  include  under  that  head  not  only  the  appli- 
cations of  science,  the  splendid  organization, 
forethought,  and  strenuous  industry  shown  in 
commerce,  and  in  the  arts  both  of  war  and 
peace;  not  only  the  legitimate  discipline  of  the 
whole  people  for  intelligent  and  economical  pro- 
duction; but  also  the  less  admirable  features, 
such  as  the  self-seeking  dealings  with  the  Press, 
and  lies  promulgated  in  neutral  countries,  the 
elaborate  spy  system  organized  for  years, — 
which  also  must  have  been  developed  by  the 
same  methodical  kind  of  work  that  has  obtained 
for  them  a  recognized  place  in  scientific 
and  historical  studies.  We  can  fully  admit  that 
all  material  measures  have  been  taken  to  the 


94  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

uttermost,  but  the  soul  has  been  omitted.  That 
is  why  their  civilization  bears  such  evil  fruit — 
the  fruit  of  brutality  and  atrocities  which  eclipse 
those  of  the  Turk,  in  that  they  are  carried  out 
by  order  and  with  a  terrorizing  object. 

So  self-confident  and  self-sufficient  have  they 
become  that  they  seek  to  impose  their  organiza- 
tion on  all  mankind.  They  have  imposed  on 
nobody;  they  have  exposed  themselves.  They 
stand  naked  before  an  astonished  Europe. 
With  the  telescope  of  the  Lusitania,  they  are 
visible  even  from  America. 

As  to  their  Kultur: — translation  from  one 
language  to  another  has  many  traps.  Vicaire 
means  curate  and  cure  means  vicar.  So  Kultur 
does  not  mean  culture  but  the  opposite  of 
culture;  it  is  everything  except  culture,  it  is 
their  idea  of  civilization,  it  consists  chiefly  in 
organization.  There  is  nothing  the  matter  with 
the  organization,  in  itself  it  is  good,  but  being 
devoid  of  soul  it  is  insufficient:  how  fearfully 
insufficient  we  had  not  realized  till  now. 

Civilization  without  morality,  with  no  wide 
outlook,  no  elevation  of  purpose,  no  loftiness 
of  soul,  no  perception  of  beauty,  no  veneration 
or  recognition  of  anything  higher  than  the 
State, — it  is  blank  atheism.  Organization  as  an 
end  in  itself,  devoid  of  religion  and  with  all 
the  culture  of  life  ignored — it  is  like  the  old 
soulless  political  economy  based  on  self-interest, 
with  human  nature  omitted; — it  is  the  old 
temptation  of  Genesis,  "Ye  shall  be  as  gods"; 
and  that  of  the  wilderness,  with  all  the  king- 
doms of  the  world  as  the  reward  of  devil-wor- 
ship. The  fruit  of  the  tree  of  knowledge,  of 


MATERIAL  EFFICIENCY  95 

knowledge  only,  is  death  and  damnation.  So  it 
was  in  the  beginning  and  so  it  is  now. 

Nevertheless  the  English  Nation  might  not 
have  felt  quite  sure  on  this  point.  We  had  been 
taught  so  long  about  the  merits  of  the  German 
system  of  organization — we  knew  indeed  that 
in  certain  ways  it  worked  well — that  we  might 
have  felt  doubtful  whether  after  all  it  was  not 
permissible  to  try  to  accept  it  at  their  hands; 
whether  in  fact  it  was  not  nourishing  sustenance 
or  at  least  wholesome  medicine  that  they  were 
offering  us,  even  though  the  spoon  which  they 
employed  for  the  purpose  was  rather  jagged, 
and  though  there  was  but  little  jam  with  the 
powder. 

Fortunately — if  we  can  say  fortunately — their 
conduct  can  have  left  no  doubt  on  this  point  in 
the  mind  of  a  single  reasonable  person;  for  if 
that  is  the  outcome  of  their  system  our  own 
haphazard  muddling  along  is  infinitely  prefer- 
able. To  every  one  that  is  now  clear — even  to 
those  who  detest  and  despise  the  policy  of 
muddle;  but  to  people  with  special  knowledge 
it  seems  to  have  been  clear  before.  The  young 
poet  Rupert  Brooke,  who  took  part  in  the  Ant- 
werp expedition  and  lost  his  life  in  the  Dar- 
danelles— and  who  came  of  a  peace-loving 
family — writing  home  in  1911  about  his  gener- 
ally favourable  experience  of  friendly  German 
life  in  Munich,  expresses  himself  thus  concern- 
ing the  deeper  political  nefariousness  which  he 
found  underlying  the  pleasant  superficial  aspect 
of  everyday  existence. 

"I  have  sampled  and  sought  out  German 
culture.  It  has  changed  all  my  political  views. 


96  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

I  am  wildly  in  favour  of  nineteen  new 
Dreadnoughts.  German  culture  must  never 
prevail !" 

SELFISHNESS 

But  it  has  been  said  that  the  policy  of  all 
nations  is  really  controlled  by  selfish  considera- 
tions, and  that  a  claim  for  higher  motives,  like 
the  assertion  that  we  accepted  the  present 
challenge  on  behalf  of  smaller  nations,  is  pious 
humbug.  The  kind  of  motive  which  drives 
Britain  into  war,  it  is  said,  was  illustrated  by 
our  dealings  with  a  small  nation  in  South  Africa, 
and  by  our  abstaining  from  intervention  on 
behalf  of  Bulgaria  or  Armenia  or  Macedonia. 
The  determining  cause  seems  to  depend  on 
whether  or  not  we  have  anything  to  gain. 

Bernard  Shaw,  for  instance,  thus  criticized 
our  attitude  to  the  present  war.  And  in  so 
doing  he  did  not  blame  Britain — he  did  not 
blame  either  Britain  or  Germany.  He  con- 
sidered them  both  actuated  simply  by  the  only 
intelligible  motive,  namely  self-interest. 

This  used  indeed  to  be  the  doctrine  of  the 
old  Political  Economy,  that  self-interest  was 
the  mainspring  of  life;  but  whatever  be  the 
case  with  the  trained  Capitalist  it  is  not  the  main 
motive  of  the  Nation  at  large.  There  is  a 
healthier  spirit  in  the  Nation  as  a  whole,  much 
nearer  to  the  Christian  doctrine  that  the  way  to 
attain  life  is  through  willingness  to  lose  it  for 
a  high  ideal.  It  is  amazing  how  on  the  score 
of  self-interest  anybody  can  be  got  to  fight 
at  all.  There  can  be  no  self-interest  in  los- 
ing your  life  for  the  sake  of  your  country. 


SELF-INTEREST  97 

Fighting  on  those  lines  is  illogical — illogical  but 
instinctive. 

Nevertheless  if  soldiers  do  shirk  bayonets,  or 
seek  to  save  themselves  unduly,  or  shelter  them- 
selves behind  women  and  children,  it  can  be 
claimed  that  it  is  not  cowardice,  but  a  return 
to  logic — a  carrying  out  of  the  philosophy  in 
which  they  have  been  instructed.  That  is  the 
kind  of  way  in  which  an  evil  doctrine  defeats 
itself  and  contains  the  seeds  of  its  own  down- 
fall. That  is  why  evil  can  never  really  dominate 
the  world  for  long. 

The  truth  is  that  self-interest  is  very  far  from 
being  the  dominating  motive  of  mankind.  For 
one  thing,  there  is  always  great  uncertainty  in 
which  direction  it  really  lies;  and  even  if  the 
well-known  Christian  paradox  be  set  aside,  there 
are  many  considerations  which  sway  more 
strongly  than  strict  logic.  As  "Bagshot"  says: 
"Statesmanship  would  be  easy  and  peace 
secure,  if  mankind  were  only  governed  by  self- 
interest.  It  is  the  incalculable  idealism  of  man 
— his  passions  and  pride  and  lust  for  self-asser- 
tion and  expansion — that  destroys  his  peace  and 
lends  the  glamour  and  the  glory  to  his  exist- 
ence. History  teaches  us  to  mistrust  all 
policies  which  assume  that  nations  will  act  as 
on  a  cold  calculation  of  their  material  advan- 
tages they  ought  to  act.  There  is  always  some- 
thing not  ourselves  which  defeats  the  utilitarian 
within  us." 

This  is  especially  the  case  among  those  who 
have  but  little  leisure  or  ability  to  organize 
their  lives,  and  who  live  mainly  by  instinct. 


98  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

The  services  given  to  society  by  such  people 
are  sometimes  beyond  praise. 

A  great  error  has  been  committed,  and  wrong 
has  been  done,  by  historians  sometimes  speaking 
of  our  Army  as  a  mercenary  army,  and  all  our 
soldiers  as  mercenaries:  as  if  they  were  fight- 
ing for  pay.  The  contrast  intended  is  between 
a  professional  army  and  a  National  army.  Our 
soldiers  till  lately  have  been  professional,  but 
they  have  never  been  mercenaries. 

Let  it  be  understood  that  a  mercenary  soldier 
means  the  type  of  professional  fighting  man 
who  in  the  Middle  Ages  wandered  about  Europe 
wherever  fighting  was  going  on,  and  offered  his 
services  for  pay  to  any  nation  that  was  short  of 
soldiers,  without  regard  to  the  cause  or  object 
of  the  fight — treating  himself  in  fact  merely  as 
a  weapon  to  be  wielded  by  whomsoever  would. 

That  our  men  bear  constantly  in  mind  the 
opposing  ideals  now  in  conflict,  is  not  to  be 
expected;  but  they  know,  clearly  enough,  that 
they  are  fighting  for  freedom  from  the  yoke  of 
an  oppressor.  They  may  well  feel  that  subject 
to  Prussian  tyranny  they  would  refuse  to  live. 
To  put  up  with  petty  insults  continually,  to 
stand  by  helpless  while  those  nearest  to  us  were 
injured,  would  be  intolerable.  Far  better  to  die. 
With  that  in  the  background  of  their  thoughts, 
their  main  activities,  their  valour  and  splendid 
pertinacious  courage,  are  instinctive.  No  volun- 
tary army  could  be  formed  in  time  of  war  if 
self-interest  were  the  motive  for  enlistment.  The 
British  response  to  a  call  of  duty  and  danger  has 
been  magnificent. 

And  yet  at  one  time  a  good  deal   was  done 


SELF-INTEREST  99 

which  might  have  killed  the  voluntary  system. 
It  is  not  the  fear  of  death  or  torture  that  chokes 
off  recruits,  it  is,  or  it  was  at  one  time,  the  im- 
personal inconsideration  of  officials.  What  the 
enemy  can  do  to  them  men  will  suffer,  but  at 
unnecessary  official  maltreatment  they  rebel. 

When  volunteers  are  asked  for  any  forlorn 
hope  at  colliery  explosions  or  shipwrecks  they 
are  always  forthcoming;  but  the  volunteers  are 
not  capriciously  rejected  on  a  variable  standard 
of  height,  nor  are  they  told  to  strip  and  wait  an 
unconscionable  time  for  a  medical  inspection, 
nor  are  they  ruled  as  of  no  value  because  short 
of  the  tip  of  a  little  finger.  These  flea-bites 
are  often  more  deterrent  than  real  hardships. 
If  it  can  be  felt  that  the  hardships  are  inevitable 
and  part  of  the  work,  and  are  not  due  to  mere 
official  disrespect  and  carelessness,  they  are  as 
gladly  put  up  with  as  wounds.  Death  itself  can 
be  faced  with  very  different  feelings  under  different 
circumstances.  We  instinctively  discriminate 
between  what  is  inflicted  by  Providence  and  what 
is  wreaked  on  us  by  man.  The  Titanic  was  re- 
garded very  differently  from  the  Lusitania. 

Mere  wholesale  death  is  not  so  great  a 
calamity.  The  difference  between  a  war  and 
an  earthquake,  for  instance,  is  very  marked. 
An  earthquake  is  a  calamity  to  the  body,  but 
not  necessarily  to  the  soul.  No  feelings  of 
wrath  are  aroused,  only  of  misfortune.  Whole 
families  may  be  blotted  out  by  an  earthquake, 
and  there  need  be  no  repining  on  the  part  of 
humanity.  But  the  feelings  induced  by  the 
purposeful  infliction  of  death  and  torture  are 
very  different — much  more  deadly,  much  more 


100  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

harmful.  A  most  calamitous  earthquake  oc- 
curred during  the  present  war,  and  it  has 
been  instructive  to  see  the  different  feelings  which 
it  aroused. 

Nevertheless  our  foes  expected  us  to  be  swayed 
solely  by  self-interest.  We  had  acquired  a  repu- 
tation for  selfishness  and  wealth-acquiring  ease; 
but  it  was  a  false  reputation  and  did  not  truly 
represent  the  people  of  England.  Many  a  time 
the  English  people  would  have  been  willing  to 
interfere  with  armed  force  when  they  saw 
flagrant  wrong  being  done  in  Europe  or  Asia 
Minor,  but  their  leaders  hesitated  and  let  the 
opportunity  slip  by. 

The  accusation  of  selfishness  is  easy  to  make, 
and  not  easy  to  rebut;  for  in  our  past  history 
we  have  not  been  free  from  it.  Politicians 
often  think  they  are  doing  the  nation  good 
service  by  keeping  a  keen  eye  on  British 
Interests;  and  sometimes  perhaps  they  are. 
But  as  with  individuals  so  it  is  with  a  nation, 
its  true  Interest  is  not  always  in  the  direction 
of  acquisition  and  greed.  A  nation  has  a 
soul  too,  and  there  are  times  when  loss  may  be 
gain — certainly  there  are  times  when  it  may 
be  wholesome,  and  when  it  would  be  willingly 
acquiesced  in  by  the  people. 

The  action  of  Italy,  whatever  its  immediate 
cause,  is  glorified  by  noble  traditions  in  the 
past.  The  world  does  not  forget  Mazzini  and 
Garibaldi  and  Cavour;  they  are  a  splendid  heri- 
tage, and  inspire  confidence.  Would  that  we 
had  more  of  such  traditions  to  our  credit.  Our 
actions  now  are  handicapped  by  suspicion  due  to 
bad  traditions  in  the  past.  It  is  not  easy  even 


SELF-INTEREST  101 

to  make  use  of  our  fleet  without  arousing 
animosity, — especially  on  the  part  of  people 
whose  self-interest  is  endangered,  and  who 
imagine  some  commercial  motive.  Objection  is 
raised  to  our  stopping  goods  from  Neutral 
Countries  from  entering  hostile  territory,  and 
to  our  interfering  with  Neutral  commerce  by 
maintaining  a  kind  of  Blockade.  But  in  such  a 
matter  we  have  no  alternative:  we  must  behave 
fairly  and  honourably  not  only  to  our  own  troops 
but  to  those  of  our  Allies.  They  have  the 
bulk  of  the  fighting  on  land;  the  frontier  which 
they  are  facing  is  immensely  longer  than  our 
portion,  and  it  is  our  Allies  who  will  chiefly 
suffer  by  the  incoming  of  extra  hostile  ammu- 
nition. It  is  our  duty  to  protect  them  at  sea, 
and  keep  war  munitions  out  of  Germany — 
including  cotton  and  all  other  raw  material  for 
feeding  either  guns  or  fighters.  There  is  no 
selfishness  in  that.  There  is  damned  selfishness 
in  not  doing  it. 

Yet  it  is  true  here,  as  always,  that  bare 
selfishness  does  not  really  pay — that  it  is  really 
safer  to  respond  to  the  call  of  duty  than  to 
shirk  it.  That  is  why  it  is  possible  for  a  cynic 
to  misconceive  the  motive.  People  are  still  to 
be  found  who  think  that  England  might  have 
stood  out,  isolated  by  the  sea,  and  defied  the  con- 
queror behind  its  navy;  only  taking  care  that  it 
was  always  superior  to  that  of  any  two  or  three 
other  nations.  But  how  long  could  this  attitude 
of  selfish  isolation  be  maintained? 

Said  Dr.  Sarolea,  two  years  before  the  war, — 
"With  characteristic  naivete  and  insular  selfish- 
ness some  jingoes  imagine  that  if  only  the 


102  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

naval  armaments  of  Germany  could  be 
stopped,  all  danger  to  England  would  be 
averted.  But  surely  the  greatest  danger  to 
England  is  not  the  invasion  of  England:  it 
is  the  invasion  of  France  and  Belgium.  .  .  . 
In  the  past  the  battles  of  England  have  been 
mainly  fought  on  the  Continent,  and  so  they 
will  be  in  the  future.  A  crushing  defeat  of 
France  in  the  plains  of  Flanders  or  Cham- 
pagne, with  the  subsequent  annexation  of 
Northern  Belgium  and  of  Holland,  would  be  a 
deadly  blow  to  English  supremacy." 

If  we  had  been  mad  enough  to  hold  our 
hand  in  the  autumn  of  1914,  the  deeds  that  have 
been  done  in  Belgium  would  before  very  long  have 
been  done  here  also,  and  we  should  have  had  to 
bow  our  necks  to  the  Prussian  yoke.  No  one 
need  deny  that  we  are  fighting  for  our  national 
existence  too.  There  are  two  kinds  of  war, 
and  war  for  freedom  is  a  holy  war. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
OR  AGGRESSIVE;  WAR 


THE  right  translation  of  Kultur  seems  to 
be  everything  in  organized  civilization 
except  culture.  For  true  culture  the 
Prussian  has  no  use  —  he  despises  and  dislikes 
it:  its  opposite,  which  is  aggressive  war,  he 
thinks  noble  and  exhilarating;  and  what  Mr. 
Wells  calls  "his  gloomily  megalomaniac  his- 
torians" write  of  it  as  a  large  and  glorious 
thing.  In  reality  it  is  an  outrage  upon  life,  a 
smashing  of  homes,  a  mangling,  a  malignant 
mischief. 

The  immediate  object  of  war  appears  now 
to  be,  as  Mr.  Arnold  Bennett  expresses  it,  to 
tear  flesh,  to  break  bones,  to  suffocate,  and  to 
kill;  the  object  of  Prussian  war  is  further  to 
inflict  such  intolerable  agony  that  it  can  no  longer 
be  endured,  —  to  overcome  by  any,  even  the  most 
frightful,  torture  of  body  or  of  mind  inflicted 
on  combatants  and  non-combatants  alike.  The 
truth  of  this  must  be  faced.  And  yet  it  would 
appear  that  the  Prussians  love  and  admire  war. 
Why?  Mr.  Wells  analyses  their  psychology  in  a 
plausible  manner:  — 

"These  war-lovers  are  creatures  of  a  simpler 
constitution.  And  they  seem  capable  of  an 

103 


104  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

ampler  hate.  You  will  discover,  if  you  talk 
to  them  skilfully,  that  they  hold  that  war 
'ennobles/  and  that  when  they  say  ennobles 
they  mean  that  it  is  destructive  to  the  ten 
thousand  things  in  life  that  they  do  not 
enjoy  or  understand  or  tolerate — things  that 
fill  them  therefore  with  envy  and  perplexity — 
such  things  as  pleasure,  beauty,  delicacy, 
leisure.  In  the  cant  of  modern  talk  you  will 
find  them  call  everything  that  is  not  crude 
and  forcible  in  life  'degenerate.'  And  going 
back  to  the  very  earliest  writings,  in  the 
most  bloodthirsty  outpourings  of  the  Hebrew 
prophets  for  example,  you  will  find  that  at 
the  base  of  the  warrior  spirit  is  hate  for  more 
complicated,  for  more  refined,  for  more 
beautiful  and  happier  living.  The  military 
peoples  of  the  world  have  almost  always  been 
harsh  and  rather  stupid  peoples,  full  of  a 
virtuous  indignation  against  all  they  did  not 
understand.  The  modern  Prussian  goes  to 
war  to-day  with  as  supreme  a  sense  of  moral 
superiority  as  the  Arabs  when  they  swept  down 
upon  Egypt  and  North  Africa.  The  burning  of 
the  library  of  Alexandria  remains  for  ever  the 
symbol  of  the  triumph  of  militarism  over  civili- 


zation." 


"The  State,"  glories  Treitschke,  "is  no 
academy  of  arts;  if  it  neglects  its  power  in 
favour  of  the  ideal  strivings  of  mankind,  it  re- 
nounces its  nature  and  goes  to  ruin.  .  .  .  the 
renunciation  of  its  own  power  is  for  the  State 
in  the  most  real  sense — the  sin  against  the  Holy 
Ghost." 

The  easy  belief  of  the  dull  and  violent  that 


EVIL  OR  AGGRESSIVE  WAR  105 

war  "braces"  arises  from  a  real  instinct  of  self- 
preservation,  a  fear  of  the  subtler  tests  of 
peace.  The  uncultured  type  of  person  will  pre- 
serve war  as  long  as  he  can.  This  type  is  to 
politics  what  the  criminal  type  is  to  social 
order;  it  is  resentful  and  hostile  to  every 
attempt  to  organize  pacific  order  in  the 
world. 

How  then  have  we  thought  it  right — and  in 
the  highest  degree  right — to  enter  on  this  war? 
Ah,  there  is  the  completest  distinction  between 
aggressive  and  defensive  war:  between  war 
waged  for  the  lust  of  domination  and  conquest, 
and  war  undertaken  in  defiance  of  a  strong  bully, 
and  in  defence  of  our  own  liberty  and  the  exist- 
ence of  weaker  or  friendly  nations. 

As  Mr.  Roosevelt  has  said: — 

"Any  movement  that  fails  emphatically  to 
discriminate  between  the  two  kinds  of  peace 
and  the  two  kinds  of  war  is  an  evil  not  a  good 
movement.  Any  movement  that  speaks  against 
war  in  terms  that  would  apply  as  much  to  such 
a  war  as  that  waged  by  Lincoln,  as  to  a  war 
waged  to  destroy  a  free  people,  is  a  thoroughly 
base  and  evil  thing. 

"Above  all,  it  is  base  and  evil  to  clamour 
for  peace  in  the  abstract  when  silence  is  kept 
about  the  concrete  and  hideous  wrongs  done  to 
humanity  at  this  very  moment." 

The  neutral  attitude  of  America  can  be  criti- 
cized,— but  best  by  American  citizens;  and  after 
all  American  influence  is  on  the  right  side. 

"Germany  knows  that  Americans  condemn  not 
only  their  manner  of  waging  war  but  also  her 
having  brought  the  war  about.  Moreover,  it  is 


106  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

well  for  us  to  remember  what  the  American 
people  have  done.  ...  It  is  American  help  that 
has  saved  the  Belgian  people  from  starvation; 
and  American  ambassadors  and  consuls  have 
done  an  incalculable  service  by  their  efforts  to 
protect  subjects  of  all  the  allied  nations  in  Ger- 
many and  in  territory  occupied  by  the  German 
armies"  (C.  Pankhurst). 

And  though  there  is  a  strong  Peace  party 
in  America  as  elsewhere,  the  venerable  Dr.  Eliot, 
so  long  President  of  Harvard  University,  made 
the  following  solemn  pronouncement  to  a  meet- 
ing of  Baptist  ministers  in  Boston: — 

"Do  not  pray  for  peace  now.  I  cannot 
conceive  a  worse  catastrophe  for  the  human 
race  than  peace  in  Europe  now.  If  it  were 
declared  now,  Germany  would  be  in  possession 
of  Belgium,  and  German  aggressive  militarism 
would  have  triumphed.  That  would  be  a 
success  for  Germany  after  she  had  committed 
the  greatest  crime  a  nation  can  commit — 
namely,  faithlessness  to  treaty  rights, — the 
sanctity  of  contracts  would  pass  for  nothing, 
and  civilization  would  be  set  back  for  cen- 
turies." 

Yet  Germany  is  terribly  strong,  and  its  brutal 
policy  of  terrorism  seems  for  a  time  to  answer, 
by  assisting  the  invasion  of  territory  with  a 
minimum  of  loss;  and  it  does  not  scruple 
blasphemously  to  invoke  the  Deity  on  behalf  of 
its  abominations.  Aye,  it  has  long  been  known 
that  during  the  period  of  success  the  wicked 
flourish  like  a  green  bay-tree;  but  wait  for 
the  test  of  adversity:  at  the  breath  of  failure 


EVIL  OR  AGGRESSIVE  WAR  107 

it  is  cut  down,  dried  up,  and  withered.  Hear 
Wordsworth : — 

"As  long  as  guilty  actions  thrive,  guilt  is 
strong;  it  has  a  giddiness  and  transport  of  its 
own,  a  hardihood  not  without  superstition,  as 
if  Providence  were  a  party  to  its  success.  But 
disaster  opens  the  eyes  of  conscience,  and  in 
the  minds  of  men  who  have  been  employed  in 
bad  actions,  defeat  and  a  feeling  of  punishment 
are  inseparable. 

"On  the  other  hand,  the  power  of  an  un- 
blemished heart  and  a  brave  spirit  is  shown, 
in  the  events  of  war,  not  only  among  unpractised 
citizens  and  peasants,  but  among  troops  in  the 
most  perfect  discipline.  .  .  .  This  paramount 
efficacy  of  moral  causes  ...  is  indisputable." 

But  it  is  possible  for  a  moral  sense  to  become 
perverted;  and  prophetic  insight  is  shown  in 
the  following  extracts  from  Dr.  Sarolea  in 
1912: — "To  an  Englishman  war  is  a  dwind- 
ling force,  an  anachronism.  It  may  still 
sometimes  be  a  necessity,  a  dura  Lex,  an  ultima 
ratio,  but  it  is  always  a  monstrous  calamity.  In 
other  words,  to  an  Englishman  war  is  evil,  war 
is  immoral.  On  the  contrary,  to  the  German 
war  is  essentially  moral.  Indeed,  it  is  the 
source  of  the  highest  morality,  of  the  most 
valuable  virtues,  and  without  war  the  human 
race  would  speedily  degenerate.  It  is  the  main- 
spring of  national  progress.  ...  If  war  is 
a  curse,  then  the  wells  of  public  opinion  have 
been  poisoned  in  Germany,  perhaps  for  gene- 
rations to  come.  If  war  is  a  blessing,  if  the 
philosophy  of  war  is  indeed  the  gospel  of  the 
super-man,  sooner  or  later  the  German  people 


108  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

are  bound  to  put  that  gospel  into  practice.  .  .  . 
The  war  of  to-morrow,  therefore,  will  not  be 
like  the  war  of  1870,  a  war  confined  to  two 
belligerent  forces:  it  will  be  a  universal 
European  war.  Nor  will  it  be  a  humane  war, 
subject  to  the  rules  of  international  law,  and 
to  the  decrees  of  the  Hague  Tribunal:  it  will 
be  an  inexorable  war;  or,  to  use  the  expression 
of  von  Bernhardi,  it  will  be  a  'war  to  the  knife.' 
Nor  will  it  be  decided  in  a  few  weeks  like  the 
war  of  1870:  it  will  involve  a  long  and  difficult 
campaign,  or  rather  a  succession  of  campaigns; 
it  will  mean  to  either  side  political  annihilation 
or  supremacy." 

The  madness  of  the  present  aggressive  lust 
for  power  can  only  be  likened  to  homicidal 
mania  ending  in  suicide. 

Where  Force  is  treated  as  right  it  is  in- 
evitable that  right  and  wrong — 

Should  lose  their  names,  and  so  should  justice  too. 

Then  everything  includes  itself  in  power, 

Power  into  will,  will  into  appetite ; 

And  appetite,  a  universal  wolf, 

So  doubly  seconded  with  will  and  power, 

Must  make  perforce  a  universal  prey, 

And  last  eat  up  himself. 

Troilus  and  Cressidct 


CHAPTER  XIV! 

SAVAGERY 

O  shame  to  men ;  devil  with  devil  damn'd 

Firm  concord  holds,  men  only  disagree 

Of  creatures  rational,  though  under  hope 

Of  heavenly  grace,  and  God  proclaiming  peace, 

Yet  live  in  hatred,  enmity  and  strife 

Among  themselves,  and  levy  cruel  wars, 

Wasting  the  earth,  each  other  to  destroy. 

As  if,  which  might  induce  us  to  accord, 

Man  had  not  hellish  foes  enow  besides, 

That  day  and  night  for  his  destruction  wait. 

Paradise  Lost 

THE  unprecedented  outburst  of  savagery 
which  has  disgraced  the  present  war  is  as 
unexpected  as  it  is  unwelcome.  To  the 
amazement  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  Germany 
has  rushed  like  a  highway  robber  upon  her 
unprepared  neighbours,  demanded  enormous 
indemnities  from  them,  and  seized  their  goods. 
And,  as  a  writer  in  Science  Progress  says,  "The 
evil  has  been  heightened  by  the  innumerable 
tricks  of  the  robber.  She  made  treaties  which 
she  had  no  intention  of  keeping — treaties  with 
other  nations  and  conventions  regarding  the 
rules  of  war.  She  utilized  her  own  citizens  who 
were  living  in  foreign  countries  to  abuse  the 

109 


110  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

hospitality  shown  to  them  by  spying  on  their 
hosts.  .  .  .  There  is  clear  evidence  that  she  had 
determined  on  the  present  outbreak  long  before 
it  occurred,  and  that  she  used  the  murder  of  the 
Austrian  Archduke  merely  as  a  plausible  excuse. 
Like  a  bandit  she  prepared  the  secret  dagger  while 
she  avowed  friendship.  It  is  a  false  statement 
that  nations,  like  individuals,  cannot  be  indicted 
for  evil  deeds,  but  the  Germans  have  been  so 
stupid  as  not  to  perceive  the  stigma  which  their 
actions  have  placed  and  will  place  upon  their 
race  for  a  century  to  come." 

While  I  write  the  German  Chancellor  is 
characteristically  expressing  indignant  astonish- 
ment that  Italy  would  not  accept  the  word  of 
Austria  and  Germany — the  word  of  Germany! — 
but  actually  prefers  to  fight  for  its  unredeemed 
provinces,  as  well  as  for  the  integrity  of 
Belgium  and  Servia. 

Once  more  we  must  ask,  for  what  are  the 
Germans  fighting?  What  is  it  that  they  expected 
to  get? 

No  war  was  necessary  for  extension  of  trade. 
"Everywhere  Germans  were  welcomed  in 
British  territory,  were  allowed  to  trade  under 
our  flag,  were  shown  the  secrets  of  our  indus- 
tries and  even  of  our  armaments,  were  allowed 
to  acquire  wealth,  titles,  and  influence  in  Britain 
itself.  For  centuries  we  had  remained  the 
friends  of  our  relatives  the  Germans.  We  had 
not  opposed  them  in  their  ambitions.  We  raised 
no  tariff  barriers  against  them.  We  made  no 
war  upon  their  commerce,  but  gave  to  them  and 
to  all  an  open  entry  and  an  equal  chance.  There 


SAVAGERY  111 

was  therefore  no  reason  based  upon  racial  ani- 
mosity or  past  disfavours  to  urge  Germany  to 
attack  us." 

But  even  their  ideas  of  trade  appear  to  be 
warlike.  Sir  William  Ramsey  the  chemist 
says : — 

"It  has  not  been  generally  known  that  in 
commerce,  as  in  war,  the  methods  employed  by 
Germany  have  been  completely  organized  for 
many  years.  Instead  of  looking  on  commerce 
as  an  arrangement  for  mutual  benefit,  the  Ger- 
man nation  has  regarded  it  as  a  war.  And  just 
as  in  the  present  war  all  methods  of  attack  are 
regarded  by  the  military  advisers  of  Germany 
as  legitimate,  so  we  are  slowly  awaking  to  the 
knowledge  that  German  commercial  and  in- 
dustrial methods  have  for  years  been  ag- 
gressive." 

Those  who  started  the  war  must  have  re- 
garded themselves  as  a  virile  race  prepared  to 
sweep  away  the  effete  dregs  of  a  decayed  past, 
yet  in  reality  (to  quote  the  writer  in  Science 
Progress  again),  the  fight  is  between  "nations 
which  are  for  the  most  part  equal  in  civilization 
and  strength — belonging  to  very  similar  races, 
having  nearly  equal  opportunities  for  agri- 
culture, manufactures,  trades,  arts  and  sciences, 
and  for  the  most  part  obeying,  or  pretending  to 
obey,  the  same  great  moral  code.  Under  these 
circumstances,  what  could  one  of  these  nations 
expect  to  gain  by  flinging  itself  at  the  throat 
of  others;  what  then  would  compensate  for  the 
dreadful  tragedies  which  were  sure  to  ensue; 
what  praise  of  humanity  could,  under  these 
circumstances,  ever  be  bestowed  upon  the 


112  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

victor;  or  what  God  would  be  ever  likely  to 
bless  such  a  deed?  Yet  in  a  moment  the  tragedy 
has  befallen  us." 

They  tell  us  that  they  made  the  war  from  fear 
'. — fear  of  foreign  attack — and  that  they  in- 
fringed the  neutrality  of  Belgium  in  a  panic.  That 
is  a  lie;  but  it  is  one  that  they  should  be  held 
to.  If  it  were  true  it  would  be  a  comparatively 
intelligible,  though  a  contemptible,  excuse.  A 
coward  is  always  a  danger  to  the  community: 
one  never  knows  when  he  will  break  out  into 
senseless  violence.  It  is  well  known  in  the 
west  of  America  that  a  coward  with  a  revolver 
is  a  serious  danger.  So  also  horses  in  a  panic 
are  liable  to  ruin  themselves  and  every  one 
near  them.  But  to  undertake  all  this 
slaughter  for  the  purpose  of  spreading  Ger- 
man or  any  other  culture, — there  is  no  expres- 
sion for  that  but  raving  lunacy.  They  uphold 
their  sanity  therefore  by  saying  that  they  were 
panic-stricken. 

Though  it  is  unlikely  that  they  are  personally 
any  more  cowardly  than  any  one  else,  it  is  true 
that  they  have  an  official  and  authoritative  kind 
of  behaviour  characterized  by  extraordinary  and 
diabolically  planned  bullying,  which  is  just  as 
bad  and  proverbially  has  much  the  same  result 
as  cowardice.  It  is  the  fear  of  reprisals  which 
causes  them  to  commit  atrocities;  and  when  they 
enter  a  village  they  are  willing  to  massacre  the 
inhabitants  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  a  stray 
shot.  For  a  time  brutality  seems  efficient:  in  the 
long  run  it  will  prove  disastrous. 

Moreover  their  lack  of  training  in  games  and 
sports,  and  their  exclusively  military  exercises, 


SAVAGERY  113 

lead  them  to  indulge  in  unfair  practices  which 
would  be  impossible  to  any  people  accustomed  to 
fair  play. 

Not  only  do  they  lack  chivalry  and  a  sense 
of  humour,  which  is  conspicuously  absent  from 
their  nation  at  all  times,  but  they  lack  the  most 
elementary  notions  of  honourable  behaviour. 
Not  all  of  them — not  all  those  at  sea,  for  in- 
stance; and  of  course  only  some  of  those  on 
land.  But  certain  unfair  practices  seem  to  be 
insisted  on  by  authority;  on  the  principle  that 
all  is  fair  in  war, — which  never  has  been  in 
the  least  true.  That  proverb  about  all  being 
fair  in  love  and  war  emanates  from  the  devil, 
and  has  had,  and  is  having,  vicious  conse- 
quences; because,  while  it  sounds  plausible  and 
semi-humorous,  it  lends  itself  to  moments  of 
temptation  and  undermines  resistance.  Any  man, 
whatever  his  creed,  must  feel  that  foul  and 
dishonourable  deceit  is  beneath  his  dignity  as 
a  man,  and  that  if  he  can  only  succeed  by 
methods  of  that  kind  he  would  prefer  to  fail; 
since  failure  at  any  rate  need  not  be 
dishonourable. 

In  the  German,  absence  of  humour  has 
become  tragic.  They  are  not  wholly  deficient 
in  the  quality;  they  are  able  to  recognize  the 
humorous  side  of  people  in  the  water  trying  to 
clamber  up  the  slippery  side  of  an  up-turned  boat. 
But  it  is  not  among  their  strongest  qualities. 
Their  indignation  at  the  idea  that  one  of  their 
submarines  might  be  attacked  by  a  merchant 
vessel  which  it  was  intending  to  sink,  is  evi- 
dence of  this.  It  was  probably  not  in  the  Berlin 


114  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Zoological  Gardens,  but  it  might  have  been,  that 
the  following  inscription  was  placed  upon  a 
cage : — 

This  animal  is  vicious. 

When  attacked  it  defends  itself.1 

So  they  issue  a  complaint  to  neutral  Powers 
about  the  hostile  attitude  of  merchant  vessels 
when  threatened  by  a  submarine.  So  also  they 
were  profoundly  moved  to  indignation  by  the 
attitude  of  Belgium,  which  behaved  more  like 
a  porcupine  than  a  sheep  or  a  hare,  and  not 
only  resented  but  actively  opposed  the  encroach- 
ment of  its  territory  by  an  armed  force.  What 
incredible  impudence! 

The  fact  of  unexpected  opposition  seems  to 
arouse  extraordinary  feelings  of  animosity  in 
high  quarters  in  Germany — quarters  which  we 
must  impersonate  as  the  Kaiser,  without  pre- 
suming on  any  personal  judgement.  The  best 
excuse  that  can  be  made  for  this  indignant 
anger  is  one  made  by  one  of  the  characters,  an 
old  American  dame,  in  Mrs.  Sedgwick's  novel 
Tante : — 

"But  I  guess  we  can't  judge  peopJe  like 
Mercedes,  Karen.  When  you  go  through  life  like 
a  mowing-machine  and  see  everyone  flatten  out 
before  you,  you  must  get  kind  of  exalted  ideas 
about  yourself.  If  anything  happens  that  makes  a 
hitch,  or  if  anybody  don't  flatten  out,  why  it 
must  seem  to  you  as  if  they  were  wrong  in  some 
way,  doing  you  an  injury." 

However    superior    in    practice    their    conduct 

1  Get  animal  est  tres  mechant 
Quand  on  1'attaque,  il  se  defend. 


SAVAGERY  115 


may  be  in  the  sense  of  being  nearer  to  what 
they  regard  as  their  rightful  will,  the  Prussian 
ideals  as  set  forth  by  its  leading  politicians 
and  professors  are  extraordinarily  base.  So 
wrong-headed  and  preposterous  have  their 
theories  been  that  it  has  been  difficult  to  take 
them  seriously;  we  could  not  believe  that  any 
nation  could  act  up  to  the  mad  doctrines  and 
put  in  practice  the  crazy  precepts  of  Nietzsche 
and  his  disciples,  or  regard  them  in  any  but  a 
figurative  and  hyperbolic  sense.  The  world 
has  been  inclined  to  laugh  such  vagaries  to 
scorn,  until  the  present  outburst  of  intolerable 
evil  has  forced  upon  us  the  truth  of  the  old 
theological  dogma  that  perverted  beliefs  and 
false  doctrines  are  the  most  deadly  of  all  forms 
of  evil,  because  most  serious  in  their  conse- 
quences,— leading  in  fact  to  nothing  less  than 
damnation. 

Conduct  insufficiently  restrained  by  sound 
faith,  is  lamentable  enough  but  human.  But  for 
an  evil  faith  to  drag  conduct  down  below  the 
bestial  level,  and  to  drown  the  remonstrance  of 
natural  instincts  in  a  flood  of  guile, — that  is  not 
human  at  all  but  devilish. 

We  can  hardly  suppose  that  by  a  malign  miracle 
the  whole  German  nation  has  suddenly  willed  evil, 
but  the  practical  outcome  is  like  that.  Theories 
become  dangerous  when  they  favour  and  justify 
the  lowest  impulses. 

"Some  of  their  own  militarist  fanatics  have 
said  that  they  have  no  political  aptitude;  and 
they  prove  that  now  in  their  devotion  to  a 


116  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

theory  of  self-preservation  which  is  leaving 
them  without  a  friend  in  the  civilized  world. 
War,  they  believe,  is  in  all  ages  a  return  to 
barbarism;  but  how  if  the  world  has  reached 
a  stage  at  which  it  will  not  allow  any  nation  to 
return  to  barbarism,  at  which  the  conscious 
barbarian  is  treated  as  the  enemy  of  the  human 
race?  Then  he  has  no  chance  unless  he  is 
stronger  than  the  human  race.  And  the 
Germans  now  have  allowed  their  theory  to  ride 
them  almost  into  that  desperate  pass.  They 
have  done  what  they  hoped  to  do;  they  have 
frightened  the  world,  and  it  laughs  at  them  no 
longer." 

To  say  that  war  licenses  acts  of  every  kind  is 
to  make  a  quite  irrational  statement.  For  what 
is  the  object  of  waging  war?  Not  surely  to 
destroy  the  rest  of  humanity,  but  to  do 
something  useful  either  for  the  whole  human 
race  or  at  least  for  one's  own  nation.  Hence 
war,  like  other  things,  had  become  civi- 
lized, and  bounds  were  set  to  the  permissible 
amount  of  destruction  and  devastation;  of 
which,  alas!  a  sufficiency  must  always  be 
caused. 

What  object  can  be  gained  by  a  return  to 
savagery, — by  letting  loose  mere  passion  with- 
out any  intelligent  control?  Such  a  procedure 
must  defeat  its  own  ends,  whatever  they  are. 
But  to  a  reasonable  being  it  can  have  no  ends ; 
it  cannot  possibly  have  any  claim  to  culture, 
nor  can  it  assist  in  spreading  the  ideas  and  man- 
ners of  the  conqueror;  for  if  those  are  the  outcome 
of  its  civilization  it  stands  self -condemned.  So 
that  even  if  successful  in  overcoming  resistance, 


SAVAGERY  117 

and  making  a  cowed  desert  of  the  rest  of  the 
world,  it  would  be  beneath  contempt  as  a  mis- 
sionary effort. 

It  is  the  same  in  war  as  in  games.  The  object 
is  not  the  mere  winning.  To  win  a  game  by 
unfair  practices,  or  by  brutality,  is  not  winning 
at  all.  The  object  of  a  football  team,  though 
apparently  to  place  a  ball  between  two  posts,  or 
over  a  certain  bar,  is  not  an  object  which 
justifies  any  and  every  method  of  achieving 
it.  There  would  be  no  credit  in  taking  the 
other  side  at  some  disadvantage,  in  handicapping 
them  in  some  unfair  way,  or  in  trying  to  do 
it  when  they  were  not  looking.  Victory  so 
achieved  is  worthless;  and  if,  after  all  that  has 
been  done,  the  Germans  now  turned  out  ulti- 
mately victorious,  their  victory  could  be  nothing 
but  dust  and  ashes. 

Defeat  is  now  their  only  hope, — they  have  left 
no  other  loophole;  it  is  the  only  channel  through 
which  they  can  return  to  sanity, — and  the  sooner 
it  comes  now,  the  better  for  them  and  for  every- 
body. 

A  war  carried  on  for  no  other  object  than 
the  gratuitous  infliction  of  suffering  is  destruc- 
tive to  those  who  wage  it,  and  the  licence  allowed 
or  enforced  on  a  soldiery  must  be  subversive  of  all 
discipline  and  have  dire  consequences  after  a 
return  to  civil  life. 

They  err  who  count  it  glorious  to  subdue 

By  conquest  far  and  wide,  to  overrun 

Large  countries,  and  in  field  great  battles  win, 

Great  cities  by  assault ;  what  do  these  worthies, 

But  rob,  and  spoil,  burn,  slaughter,  and  enslave 

Peaceful  nations,  neighbouring  or  remote.  .  .  . 

Paradise  Regained 


CHAPTER  XV 

NON-RESISTANCE  AND  DEFENSIVE  WAR 

GOOD    people    have    been    puzzled    by    the 
doctrine     of     non-resistance.       There     are 
certain  cases   in  which  non-resistance  may 
be   legitimate,   a   few   in   which   it   is   admirable: 
there  are  other  cases  when  it  would  be  grossly 
immoral.      There    is    no    real    practical    difficulty 
in  discriminating  between  these  cases,  though  the 
difference  is  perhaps  not  easy  to  formulate.     Our 
instincts    or    intuitions    are    often    more    to    be 
trusted  than  our  theories. 

Non-resistance  may  be  legitimate  enough 
about  some  personal  injury,  or  about  some  weak 
yielding  to  temptation  such  as  an  understand- 
able theft;  and  the  defaulter  may  be  forgiven, 
— sometimes  with  happy  results.  It  is  the  kind 
of  thing  that  must  be  done  every  day  in  a 
large  community,  and  it  is  done  most  readily 
by  those  who  have  themselves  experienced  the 
evil  effects  of  harsh  treatment. 

While  in  Canada  I  once  heard  that  good  man 
Prince  Kropotkin,  whom  Russia  of  the  past  had 
imprisoned  and  expatriated  for  his  opinions, 
catechized  about  his  doctrine  of  non-resistance. 
"Do  you  mean  to  say  that  if  a  man  stole  your 
purse  you  would  not  have  him  put  in  prison?" 

118 


NON-RESISTANCE  119 

His  reply  was  an  impressive  one — "No;  no 
more  would  you  if  you  had  ever  been  in 
one." 

In  cases  where  the  punishment  far  exceeds 
the  crime  it  is  better  to  put  up  with  an  injury 
than  commit  a  greater  one.  That  is  common- 
sense  and  simply  human,  and  in  accordance  with 
our  instincts  if  we  have  sufficient  illumination  to 
recognize  it.  In  Mr.  Galsworthy's  powerful  plays, 
The  Silver  Box,  and  Justice,  those  who  put  the 
law  in  motion  over  a  trifle  must  have 
deeply  regretted  their  precipitancy  before  the 
end. 

But  all  this  natural  restraint  on  conduct  does 
not  mean  that  we  should  refrain  from  defending 
the  helpless,  nor  that  we  should  fail  to  stand 
up  for  the  right.  A  passive  attitude  of  defiance, 
though  itself  far  from  impotent,  is  not  suffi- 
cient; there  must  be  an  active  and  positive 
attack  on  certain  evils  as  well.  The  cleansing 
of  the  Temple  shows,  if  any  demonstration  were 
needed,  that  bold  and  violent  activity  in  face 
of  flagrant  and  disgraceful  wrong  can  be  essen- 
tially Christian.  And  if  the  foe  has  guns  and 
machinery  we  must  employ  guns  and  machinery 
too.  Actual  physical  conflict  is  not  out  of  har- 
mony with  the  plan  of  creation;  it  represents 
a  stage  in  evolution — not  a  very  high  stage,  and 
one  that  the  world  must  ultimately  outgrow; — 
but  much  of  the  world  is  not  yet  completely 
beyond  the  tooth  and  claw  period  of  animal 
existence. 

It  may  be  a  puzzle,  but  we  must  trust  our 
higher  intuition;  we  shall  find  absolute  sup- 
port there  for  defensive  fighting,  though  none 


120  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

for  selfish  aggression;  nor  shall  we  find  any 
justification  for  treachery  or  for  insidious  and 
lying  statecraft,  even  though  we  encounter  these 
evils  rampant  on  the  enemy's  side — as  we  do. 

That  verse  of  the  National  Anthem  which  we 
generally  deprecate  is  truly  appropriate  just 
now: — 

Oh  Lord  our  God  arise, 
Scatter  our  enemies, 

And  make  them  fall; 
Confound  their  politics, 
Frustrate  their  knavish  tricks, 
On  Thee  our  hopes  we  fix, 

God  save  us  all. 

There  is  such  a  thing  as  righteous  indignation. 

The  following  quotation  is  not  from  the  Old 
Testament — an  outburst  of  revolt  against  heathen 
persecution — it  is  in  that  most  Christian 
and  evangelical  letter,  The  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  It  might  be  printed  in  capitals  as 
an  inspired  expression  of  deep  and  righteous 
indignation : — 

"Their  throat  is  an  open  sepulchre;  with  their 
tongues  they  have  used  deceit;  the  poison  of 
asps  is  under  their  lips:  whose  mouth  is  full  of 
cursing  and  bitterness:  Their  feet  are  swift  to 
shed  blood;  Destruction  and  misery  are  in  their 
ways;  and  the  way  of  peace  have  they  not 
known:  There  is  no  fear  of  God  before  their 
eyes"  (Romans  iii.  13). 

I  would  that  all  neutral  nations,  or  at  any  rate 
so  great  and  powerful  a  people  as  Americans, 
could  have  seen  their  way  to  express  their  feel- 
ings in  similarly  forcible  language,  when  inter- 
national law  and  the  dictates  of  common 


NON-RESISTANCE  121 

humanity  were  grossly  violated,  and  could  have 
taken  honourable  action  accordingly.  No  fight- 
ing was  necessary;  the  weapon  of  the  boycott 
would  have  been  amply  sufficient  as  a  sequel 
to  denunciation;  and  they  would  have  done  their 
nation  and  the  flag  much  honour. 

A  non-fighting  declaration  of  judicial  hos- 
tility in  the  interests  of  civilization,  and  as 
representing  the  police  of  the  world,  could  have 
been  made. 

As  an  excuse  for  non-intervention  it  has  been 
claimed  that  many  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  are  German.  That  is  only  an  answer  if 
Americans  are  no  longer  to  be  considered  as 
of  our  blood.  In  that  case  it  is  a  foreign 
country,  and  no  longer  the  America  of  our 
hopes.  The  federation  of  the  English-speaking 
race,  so  long  looked  forward  to — where  is  it!* 

But  I  doubt  not  that  much  will  yet  be  done; 
the  intervention  needed  from  a  non-European 
nation  is  so  simple,  so  easily  applied,  so  honour- 
able, and  so  effective.  Apart  from  financial  con- 
siderations, how  the  American  citizen  would 
rejoice  to  see  the  Stars  and  Stripes  once  more 
arrayed  on  the  side  of  freedom  and  honour  and 
in  defence  of  truth  and  justice  and  right! 

Seldom  indeed  in  any  war  is  the  issue  so 
clear  as  in  the  present  one.  The  tearing  up  of 
treaties,  the  contempt  of  the  written  word,  the 
treachery,  the  lying,  and  above  all  the  unspeak- 
able cruelties,  put  our  enemy  outside  the  pale  of 
civilization,  and  he  should  be  boycotted  with 
firmness  and  decision.  The  sooner  these  evils  are 

-*  The  answer  is  given  magnificently  in  1917.  See  Preface. 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

eradicated  from  the  planet  the  better,  and  now  is 
the  time  for  attacking  them  in  concentrated  form. 

The  policy  of  abstention,  and  apparently 
bland  acceptance  not  only  of  breaches  of  inter- 
national law  but  of  crimes  against  humanity, 
until  some  national  affront  is  offered  which 
cannot  be  ignored,  will  be  felt  hereafter  a  dis- 
grace. 

"He  that  is  not  with  us  is  against  us,"  is  now 
being  manifestly  said  by  the  supreme  Power  of 
Goodness, — that  power  which  is  being  denied  and 
blasphemously  assailed. 

And  how  much  might  be  done! 

"For,  methinks,  I  see  the  great  work  indeed 
in  hand  against  the  abusers  of  the  world,  where- 
in it  is  no  greater  fault  to  have  confidence  in 
man's  power,  than  it  is  too  hastily  to  despair  of 
God's  work."  1 

But  man's  power,  in  such  things,  is  also  great, 
when  exercised  by  a  whole  people  for  the  right. 
As  Wordsworth  says,  in  a  Sonnet  of  1811 : — 

The  power  of  armies  is  a  visible  thing, 
Formal,  and  circumscribed  in  time  and  space; 
But  who  the  limits  of  that  power  shall  trace 
Which  a  brave  People  into  light  can  bring 
Or  hide,  at  will, — for  freedom  combating, 
By  just  revenge  inflamed? 

WAR  AS  SUPPURATION 

War  is  not  a  healthy  form  of  activity,  it  is 
a  pathological  symptom,  a  sign  of  disease;  though 
truly  it  may  be  beneficent  in  the  long  run,  as  in- 

1  The  elder  Sidney, — treating  of  the  war  in  the  Nether- 
lands against  Philip  of  Spain. 


NON-RESISTANCE  123 

flammation  is  beneficent.     When  things  are  wrong 
there  must  be  a  struggle  to  set  them  right,  and  the 
effort   must    involve   pain    and    sacrifice.     If    the 
morbid    microbes    succumb    permanently    to    the 
attack  of  our  phagocytes,  the  result  is  renewed   , 
health.     A  deep-seated  disease  calls  for  desperate   ! 
remedies,    and    inflammation    may    have    healthy 
and    curative    consequences.     The    virulence    of  ' 
the  inflammation  is  a  sign  of  the  severity  of  the 
disease. 

But  we  need  a  Lister  to  show  us  a  better  way 
than  suppuration,  an  antiseptic  or  aseptic  sur- 
gery, to  deal  writh  the  wounds  of  the  body  politic. 
The  most  obvious  evil  in  humanity  at  present 
is  the  Prussian  spirit,  its  philosophy,  its  ideals, 
and  its_practice.  ^These  must  be  extirpated  or 
humanity  will  succumb.  But  these  are  not  the 
only  evils,  they  are  conspicuous,  they  are  recog- 
nized, they  are  being  attacked ;  but  there  are  others 
more  deep-seated,  barely  suspected,  less  violent, 
but  hardly  less  dangerous.  While  we  are  cleansing 
the  Temple  let  us  see  to  it  that  the  work  is  done 
thoroughly. 

War  is  not  always  opposed  to  Christianity: 
there  are  worse  evils  than  death.  It  is 
Christian  to  make  a  stand  for  the  right, 
though  never  in  a  self-seeking  spirit.  If 
Germany  had  only  disagreed  with  our  methods 
and  had  tried  doctrines  of  its  own,  had 
vigorously  competed  with  us  in  commerce  but 
had  otherwise  kept  itself  to  itself,  we  should 
never  have  attacked  it.  If  any  Statesman  had 
been  wicked  enough  to  attempt  such  a  war,  the 
working  classes  would  not  have  allowed  it. 
Their  pronouncements  for  peace  and  brother- 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

hood  were  clear — clear  enough  on  the  passive 
side.  But  they  did  not  go  far  enough;  their 
willingness  to  supply  actual  help  was  doubtful. 
England  has  a  reputation  for  inertia  and  selfish- 
ness; and  it  was  this  reputation  for  putting 
money-bags  first,  for  regarding  Turkish  bonds 
more  than  the  wrongs  of  Bulgaria  and  Armenia 
— whether  the  reputation  was  deserved  or  not — 
which  misled  people.  Sir  Edward  Grey  was 
not  quite  certain  that  the  English  people  would 
go  to  war  in  defence  of  Belgium;  he  was 
careful  to  say  that  the  Country  must  decide, 
but  that  he  thought  it  would.  A  few  Labour 
Members — good  men  in  intention — are  mistaken 
still,  and  adhere  to  their  one-sided  passive 
statement  of  peace  and  brotherhood  and 
goodwill. 

But  goodwill  on  the  negative  side  is  not  enough ; 
there  comes  a  time  when  activity  is  necessary,  and 
when  anything  else  is  unchristian  and  inhuman. 
To  maintain  brotherhood  effectively  requires  some- 
thing more  than  passivity:  there  is  no  brother- 
hood nor  even  neighbourliness  in  passing  by  on  the 
other  side.  Active  interference  is  required  when 
an  enemy  tries  to  trample  on  a  friend.  At 
that  stage  we  now  are:  and  thank  God  we  have 
responded ! 

To  a  nation  exuberantly  proud  of  its  own 
organization  and  social  structure,  and  anxious 
to  force  them  on  all  the  rest  of  the  world  and 
cram  them  down  its  throat  by  force,  we  say: — 

Convert  us  by  influence  and  teachings  and 
reasonableness,  if  you  can,  and  we  will  retaliate 
in  kind;  and  in  the  course  of  the  discussion 
we  will  remain  brothers  in  argument,  as  we 


NON-RESISTANCE  125 

can  be  brothers  in  a  football  contest  or  any 
other  fair  game.  But  come  to  us  with  weapons, 
— aye,  or  go  to  our  friends  and  Allies  with 
weapons,  to  hack  your  way  through  and  to 
impose  your  will  on  them — we  will  meet  you 
with  weapons  also;  and  for  the  good  of  the 
world,  and  under  the  banner  of  Christ,  we  will 
resist  you  to  the  death. 

The  present  war  has  made  this  clear.  It  would 
have  been  better  if  it  had  been  clear  before; 
but  nothing  can  really  make  things  clear  except 
acts.  Deejjj^  are  the  test  of  faith.  By  their 
fruits  ye  shall  Ioiow~~them.  By  their  fruits  we 
can  test  the  doctrine  of  the  Politicians  and  Pro- 
fessors of  Berlin.  Neutrality  in  face  of  outrages 
like  these  would  be  a  crime.  To  sit  still  and 
allow  their  doctrines  to  be  forced  on  the  whole 
civilized  world  would  be  false  to  our  trust — 
to  ignore  our  mission,  to  deny  our  Master.  It 
is  in  his  name  we  are  fighting,  and  we  can  plead 
his  example. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

CHRISTIANITY   AND   PACIFISM 

THOSE  who  emphasize  as  Christian  the 
doctrine  of  non-resistance  and  the  power 
of  meekness  and  long-suffering,  should 
remember  that  Christ  came  to  show  us  those 
aspects  of  Deity  which  we  might  otherwise  have  ' 
missed.  He  did  not  emphasize  the  strong  and 
fierce  and  dangerous  aspects,  except  very  inci- 
dentally and  occasionally.  He  did  not  conceal 
them,  but  there  was  little  need  for  calling  atten- 
tion to  those  aspects, — Nature  and  History  and 
common  experience  do  that;  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures  and  Mosaic  Law  are  sufficiently 
explicit;  those  attributes  have  always  been 
familiar  to  all  races  of  mankind.  But  the 
gentler  aspects  have  not  been  so  familiar,  and 
those  were  what  needed  to  be  emphasized, — the 
aspects  of  Love  and  Friendliness  and  Com- 
passion— the  otherwise  almost  incredible  attri- 
butes of  Sympathy  and  Fellow-feeling.  Even 
the  attributes  associated  with  the  term  "child- 
like" cannot  be  alien  from  the  fullness  of  the 
Godhead. 

Attending  now  to  the  Christian  revelation, 
we  must  admit  that  there  are  many  ingredients 
in  the  composition  of  human  life  with  which 

126 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  PACIFISM  127 

Christ  was  not  directly  concerned;  and  war  is 
one  of  them.  For  his  lifetime  happened  in  a 
period — one  of  the  few  periods — of  world  peace. 
Consequently  we  cannot  say  from  direct  evi- 
dence what  his  attitude  to  a  righteous  war 
would  have  been;  that  is,  a  war  undertaken 
from  no  selfish  motive,  but  in  defence  of  right, 
of  home,  and  of  the  weak.  We  know  how- 
ever, unless  we  resolutely  blind  ourselves  to 
facts,  that  his  attitude  would  not  have  been  one 
of  inattention  or  non-resistance;  we  can  judge 
fairly  well  from  his  parable  of  the  wolf  and 
the  sheep-fold, — the  good  shepherd  fought  the 
wolf,  while  the  hireling  took  refuge  in  igno- 
minious flight;  we  know  it  from  his  use  of 
violence  in  the  cleansing  of  the  Temple,  but  we 
know  it  still  more  from  his  denunciations.  He 
did  not  mince  matters  about  the  wrath  to  come. 
It  must  be  remembered, — according  to  the 
view  of  orthodox  Christianity,  and  in  accord- 
ance doubtless  with  the  views  of  those  who 
claim  in  excessive  detail  supernatural  sanction 
for  the  deeds  and  words  of  their  Master, — that 
bodily  violence  in  face  of  wrong  was  in  his 
case  unnecessary;  denunciation  was  sufficient, 
since  his  denunciations,  unlike  ours,  were  effec- 
tive. Witness  the  case  of  the  barren  fig-tree. 
His  Kingdom  was  not  of  this  world,  and  there 
was  no  need  for  his  servants  to  fight.  Legions 
of  angels  were  at  his  disposal;  and  the  most 
scathing  denunciation  and  summoning  of  woe 
was  never  wanting  when  wickedness  was  accom- 
panied by  knowledge  and  when  the  wrongdoer 
erred  in  the  face  of  light.  There  was  not  a 
trace  of  pacifist  non-resistance  on  his  part, 


128  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

save  in  respect  of  personal  injuries.  He  was 
not  one  to  wash  his  hands  and  excuse  himself 
from  intervention  when  the  innocent  was  un- 
justly accused,  or  when  confronted  with  the 

1  powers   of   Satan.     No,   the  typical   pacifist  was 

I  Pilate! 

But,  by  Christ,  the  Devil  and  all  his  works 
were  resisted  to  the  death.  In  speaking  of 
assaults  on  children  he  said:  "Whosoever  offend 
one  of  these  little  ones,  it  were  better  for  him 
that  a  millstone  be  hung  about  his  neck  and  that 
he  be  drowned  in  the  depths  of  the  sea" — meaning 
that  any  violent  death  was  preferable  to  the  fate 
that  was  actually  in  store  for  such  a  monster.  So 
it  was  also  that  he  denounced  the  orthodox  re- 
ligious people  of  his  time  as  religious  hypocrites 
who  were  devouring  widows'  houses  and  for  a 
pretence  making  long  prayers,— "Ye  serpents,  ye 
generation  of  vipers,  how  can  ye  escape  the  damna- 
tion of  hell !"  With  punishments  and  penalties  like 
these  at  his  command  there  was  little  need  for 
bodily  violence  of  any  kind.  "Fear  not  them,"  he 
said,  "which  can  only  kill  the  body  and  afterwards 
have  no  more  power;  but  fear  Him  who  can  cast 
both  body  and  soul  into  hell.  Yea,  I  say  unto  you, 
fear  Him !"  There  is  no  leniency,  no  pacific  treat- 
ment of  wrong  here,  nor  is  laxness  anywhere  to  be 
found  in  the  universe.  Evil  may  be  allowed  to 
accumulate  for  a  time,  but  sooner  or  later  Nemesis 
arrives. 

It  is  the  divine  attributes  of  Deity  that  we 
have  to  learn,  not  their  merely  human  aspect 
only;  and  some  of  those  Attributes  are  fierce 
and  inexorable.  With  all  the  powers  of  the 
Universe  at  His  command  He  can  stand  by  while 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  PACIFISM  129 

inhuman  tortures  are  inflicted,  and  interfere  no 
more  than  He  did  at  the  scourging  and  the 
crucifixion. 

Great  pain  can  evidently  be  tolerated  by  One 
who  sees  both  before  and  after,  with  far-reaching 
vision.     Death  and  bodily  pain  are  not  the  worst 
of  evils;  and  slaughter — even  wholesale  slaughter  I 
— is  from  time  to  time  permitted,  if  thereby  evils  I 
can  be  eradicated  from  humanity  which  otherwise   • 
would  remain  dormant. 

Christ  was  not  the  only  revelation  of  the 
attributes  of  .Deity  vouchsafed  to  us.  Surely 
people  admit  that  the  whole  realm  of  Nature  is 
another  channel  of  intelligence;  and  we  have 
our  instincts  also.  We  can  learn  by  studying 
the  mind  of  man  as  well  as  the  starry  heavens. 
The  attributes  we  so  learn  are  not  the  ones 
emphasized  by  Christ, — true, — the  danger  was 
that  the  human  race  should  continue  to  attend 
to  those  other  channels  too  exclusively;  but  it  is 
folly  now  to  take  refuge  in  the  other  extreme. 

One  fact  that  is  vividly  worth  remembering 
at  the  present  time  is  that  God^  does  not  act 
without  agents;  it  is  only  through  suitable 
agents  that  the  physical  world  is  affected  at 
all;  it  is  probably  through  appropriate  agents 
that  Divine  action  is  always  taken.  He  acts  in 
accordance  with  law  and  order;  if  evil  is  to  be 
exterminated  it  is  exterminated  by  means,  and 
by  appropriate  and  available  means.  When 
there  was  a  revolt  in  heaven,  orthodox  people 
are  given  to  understand  that  it  was  put  down  by 
suitable  means,  by  contest  and  violence,  in  other 
words  by  war.  It  was  not  tolerated  nor  treated 
leniently. 


130  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Evil  is  not  treated  leniently  in  this  universe. 
The  punishment  of  sin  is  awful.  Are  not  our 
sensitive  nerves  able  to  convey  to  us  agonies  of 
pain?  Suffering  is  the  badge  of  all  our  tribe. 
These  things  had  been  well  rubbed  into  the 
Jewish  nation:  they  are  referred  to  as  well- 
known,  but  the  immediate  era  of  Christ's  presence 
on  earth  was  "the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord." 
"The  day  of  vengeance  of  our  God"  had  not  then 
come;  but  he  never  concealed  the  fact  that  come 
it  would. 

And  the  execution  of  vengeance  requires 
agents.  If  we  are  worthy,  we  may  be  employed 
for  the  purpose:  if  we  are  not  worthy,  doubtless 
other  agents  can  be  used.  Not  the  sword  only, 
but  the  noisome  beast  and  the  pestilence  can 
be  brought  into  service.  But  there  are  times 

I  when  we  can  be  honoured  by  being  enrolled 
under  a  Divine  Commission,  and  when  the  rooting 
out  of  evil  is  entrusted  to  us;  and  then,  it  is 
upon  our  character  and  conduct  in  the  past  that 
our  efficacy  and  even  our  method  will  depend. 
If  we  are  strong  enough,  and  have  clean  hands 
and  a  record  for  strict  justice,  and  have  never 
over-reached  or  bullied  a  weaker  neighbour  or 
coveted  or  grabbed  his  goods, — then  our  bare 
word  may  suffice  to  prevent  some  great  evil  from 
befalling  mankind,  and  may  bring  shame  and 
repentance  to  the  sinner.  But  if  we  are  less 
worthy  than  that,  then  we  too  much  be  punished, 
even  while  we  are  relatively  honoured,  by  being 
called  upon  to  inflict  and  to  suffer  ills  of 
various  kinds — the  inevitable  result  of  national 
sin. 

When  a  nation  behaves  as  the  German  nation 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  PACIFISM  131 

has  behaved  we  are  justified  in  sharing  with 
the  Highest  a  blaze  of  righteous  anger,  and 
we  are  summoned  to  the  activities  which  accom- 
pany such  anger.  Wherever  tyranny  and  vice 
are  rampant,  virtue  means  protest  and  strenuous 
activity.  As  the  sword  of  the  Lord,  and  in  the 
power  of  His  might,  we  must  slay  and  extir- 
pate the  evil  men  who  are  responsible  for  the 
outrages  to  humanity  and  who  have  dragged 
the  nation  down  till  they  approve  them.  "Shall 
I  not  visit  for  these  things?  saith  the  Lord; 
shall  not  my  soul  be  avenged  on  such  a  nation 
as  this?" 


CHAPTER  XVII 

'l<OVE   YOUR 


NOT  only  the  rulers  have  gone  wrong,  but 
the  German  people  also.  The  people  have 
shown  themselves  marvellously  docile,  their 
emotions  being  apparently  under  State  control; 
and,  when  told  to  hate,  they  use  every  means 
to  stimulate  that  feeling.  One  of  their  weak- 
nesses, all  along,  has  been  excessive  mental 
sub-division, — trusting  the  specialist,  sub-dividing 
the  complexity  of  life  until  they  have  lost  all 
comprehensive  grasp;  so  the  reins  have  now 
slipped  from  their  fingers,  and  over  everything 
of  importance,  even  over  their  own  passions, 
they  have  lost  control.  Even  their  Professors 
are  State  officials.  The  German  Professor,  as 
has  been  said,  does  not  so  much  profess  as 
officiate;  and  the  whole  class  has  shown  itself 
amenable  to  political  influence.  A  wonderful  and 
horrible  thing  has  been  committed  in  the  land: 
the  Professors,  teach  falsely,  Politicians  bear  rule 
by  their  means,  and  the  people  love  to  have  it 
so. 

They  are  miserably  deceived,  but  even  so  we 
have  no  hatred  for  them.  The  injunction  to 
love  our  enemies  is  sometimes  said  to  be  im- 

132 


"LOVE  YOUR  ENEMIES"  133 

possibly  hard,  but  essentially  and  instinctively 
we  are  obeying  it.  No  bitterness,  but  only 
honour,  is  felt  for  foes  who  do  their  duty 
strenuously  and  die  or  suffer  heroically.  How 
eagerly  the  nation  has  seized  every  opportunity 
of  honouring  sailors  who  in  the  course  of  their 
work  have  done  us  legitimate  damage.  There 
is  a  wholesome  spirit  in  fighting  a  fierce  and 
honourable  foe  who  plays  the  game.  We  have 
shown  in  South  Africa  and  in  the  Soudan  that 
we  can  honour  such  foes,  and  feel  no  bitterness 
against  them.  How  "willingly  we  would  do  the 
same  with  the  Germans  if  they  gave  us  any 
opportunity, — as  some  few  of  them  have, — has 
already  been  proved.  They  misunderstand  it, 
they  think  it  cowardice  or  hypocrisy, — some- 
thing which  they  can  better  understand.  But 
we  know  that  it  is  nothing  of  the  kind;  in 
serious  matters  like  that  we  are  not  hypocrites, 
and  our  practice  really  comes  up  to,  and  often 
exceeds,  our  profession. 

In  Mr.  Begbie's  interesting  account  of  all 
the  multifarious  activity  he  saw  behind  the 
English  lines  in  France,  he  narrates  the  follow- 
ing:— 

"The  other  day  a  doctor  fell  in  with  a  British 
soldier  whose  blood  was  maddened  by  what 
he  had  seen  of  German  treatment  of  our 
wounded  men.  'Do  you  know  what  I  mean 
to  do/  he  demanded,  'when  I  come  across  one 
of  their  wounded?  I  mean  to  put  my  boot  in 
his  ugly  face.'  The  doctor  replied:  'No,  you 
won't;  it's  not  in  your  nature.  I'll  tell  you 
what  you  will  do — you'll  give  him  a  drink  out 
of  your  water-bottle.'  To  which  the  soldier,  after 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

a  pause  in  which  he  searched  the  doctor's  face, 
made  grumbling  and  regretful  answer:  'Well, 
maybe  I  shall/  ' 

And  when  we  think  of  the  ministers  of 
mercy,  the  doctors  and  nurses  who  brave  danger 
and  witness  horrors  to  succour  the  wounded, 
who  accompany  the  engines  of  destruction  for 
the  illogical  but  beautiful  reason  of  lessening  as 
quickly  as  possible  the  injuries  they  do, — 

"Is  it  not  as  if  behind  a  tidal  wave  of  flame 
risen  from  the  very  core  of  hell's  furnaces  there 
followed  a  squadron  of  the  heavenly  host,  whose 
faces  shine  with  the  beauty  of  the  grace  of 
God?" 

It  cannot  truly  be  said  that  the  British  have 
been  unchivalrous.  To  refrain  from  protesting 
too  much  good  intention  is  wise,  for  it  is  hard 
to  raise  conduct  to  an  ideal  level;  and  failure 
to  achieve  what  we  aim  at,  looks  like  hypocrisy. 
There  are  few  vices  to  which  as  a  nation  we 
are  less  prone.  The  Germans  are  not  hypo- 
crites either,  but  then  they  strenuously  and 
loudly  profess  evil.  It  cannot  be  always  easy 
to  act  up  fully  even  to  their  profession,  though 
some  of  them  have  made  far  too  successful 
efforts. 

The  injunction  translated  "Love  your  enemies," 
if  pressed  unduly  and  beyond  its  reasonable  mean- 
ing, may  sound  like  an  impossible  and  futile 
counsel;  it  would  have  been  more  readily  under- 
stood if  it  had  been  worded — Honour  and  respect 
your  foe,  be  ready  to  recognize  good  in  him  and 
to  meet  him  half  way.  In  all  this  our  nation  has 
a  clean  record. 

But  the  translation  is   right.     To  love  people 


"LOVE  YOUR  ENEMIES"  135 

as  ourselves  does  not  mean  to  be  uncritical  towards 
them,  or  to  refrain  from  blaming  or  punishing 
them.  Far  from  it:  the  best  human  nature  has 
always  been  severe  on  its  own  failings  and  frailties 
and  sins.  But  it  does  mean  trying  to  understand, 
to  see  their  point  of  view,  to  rejoice  at  any  spark 
of  good  and  of  honourable  conduct  which  may 
be  detected.  In  so  far  as  there  are  none  such — 
approbation  and  affection  would  be  utterly 
misplaced. 

But  think  of  the  barbarous  futility  of  an 
opposite  injunction,  and  of  the  extraordinary 
state  of  mind  which  can  lead  people  to  regard 
the  injunction  "Hate  your  enemies"  as  a  national 
or  human  asset ! 1 

The  good  faith  and  trustfulness  of  the 
German  people  have  been  imposed  upon,  and 
they  have  been  so  misinformed  and  misled 
about  this  war,  and  about  the  diplomacy  which 
led  to  it,  that  they  have  made  themselves 
willing  tools;  but  never  in  a  spirit  of  conscious 
wrong. 

A  German  whose  eyes  have  been  opened, 
writing  for  his  own  people,  has  explained 
to  them  the  wickedness  of  the  diplomacy  of 
both  Germany  and  Austria,  in  a  book  called 
Jf  Accuse  published  in  German  at  Lau- 
sanne; but  the  circulation  of  the  book  in 
Germany  has  been  forbidden.  From  its 

1  The  absence  of  reciprocation  on  our  side  is  illustrated  by 
the  following : — 

At  smoking  concerts  near  the  front  I  am  told  that  German 
prisoners  sometimes  contribute  musical  items  to  the  pro- 
gramme, and  that  occasionally  the  chairman's  call  takes  this 
form :  "Mr.  Franz  Schmidt  will  now  oblige  with  the  Song 
of  'ate." 


136  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Germany  will  surely  be  forbidden.  From  its 
epilogue  I  translate  but  a  brief  sentence  or 
two: — 

"The  confidence  of  the  German  nation  has 
been  shamefully  abused  by  its  leaders  and  rulers; 
round  its  eyes,  once  so  clear-sighted,  the  dark 
band  of  ignorance  has  been  tied.  Out  of  peace- 
loving  citizens  have  been  made  fighters  filled  with 
hate  and  vengeance;  out  of  representatives  of  high 
culture  and  intelligence,  blind  and  narrow  de- 
votees. .  .  . 

"They  have  ruined  and  blinded  the  German 
nation  in  order  that  they  might  be  able  to 
hound  it  into  a  war  which  it  had  never  fore- 
seen, never  intended,  and  never  wished.  To 
make  it  'free/  they  have  brought  it  into 
slavery.  ...  A  faithful  son  of  Germania,  I 
see  the  deluded  mother  stumbling  to  the  preci- 
pice, and  spring  forward  to  save  her  from  the 
fatal  fall.  Is  it  still  permitted  in  the  Germany 
of  to-day  to  speak  the  truth?  Or  have  things 
already  gone  so  far  that  lies  only  are 
fitting?  .  .  . 

"Hundreds  of  thousands  can  be  guarded  from 
death,  the  German  nation  from  ruin, — now,  but 
now-  only — ,  if  truth  can  make  its  way  into  the 
hearts  of  the  German  people.  For  truth  is  a 
call  to  halt,  while  lies  are  a  step  forward  on  the 
road  to  ruin. 

"The  truth  will  but  serve  our  adversaries, — 
do  you  think?  You  great  children,  closing  your 
eyes  to  escape  danger!  Your  adversaries  have 
long  known  it.  ...  But  you,  Germany,  in- 
corrigibly trustful  dreamer,  you  alone  are  still 
slumbering, — are  still  sleeping  peacefully,  in 


"LOVE  YOUR  ENEMIES"  187 

all     your     unrighteousness,     the     sleep     of     the 
righteous." 

Yes,  the  cause  still  seems  righteous  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  and  still  they  are  willing 
nobly  to  sacrifice  everything  for  its  attainment; 
that  is  why  we  can  still  respect  them. 

"We  have  seen  our  enemies  dying  fine  deaths 
bravely   for  a  cause  which,   to   our   thinking,   is 
neither  brave  nor  fine;  and  when  they  have  died 
like  that,  for  a  cause  like  that,  we  give  them  all 
that  we  can,  and  all  that  we  may — the  respect 
brave  men  deserve.     We  have  hated  a  cause;  we  \ 
have  not  hated,  and  we  pray  that  we  may  never  t 
hate,  the  combatants." 

Yet  the  present  is  no  era  for  untimely 
generosity.  Those  who  advocate  treating  the 
enemy  well,  and  giving  him  good  terms,  should 
be  sure  first  that  we  have  the  upper  hand, — 
should  be  sure  indeed  that  the  enemy  realizes 
and  admits  that  fact — otherwise  it  will  seem  only 
like  weakness.  A  farmer  catching  a  culprit  in 
his  apple  orchard  may,  if  he  chooses,  refrain  from 
thrashing  the  boy  he  has  caught,  and  even  give 
him  a  few  apples  and  tell  him  not  to  come  again. 
But  if,  instead  of  a  boy,  he  encounters  a  man 
with  a  bludgeon, — a  friendly  and  charitable  treat- 
ment of  the  violent  culprit  may  be  otherwise 
interpreted;  and  the  pacifist  farmer  might  soon 
find  that  his  orchard  had  to  be  abandoned  alto- 
gether. Indeed  that  would  be  the  ultimate  result 
of  non-resistance,  pressed  to  extremes,  in  face  of  a 
truculent  foe;  there  would  be  nothing  for  it  but 
to  get  off  the  earth. 

There  have  doubtless  been  saintly  individuals 
here    and    there,     whose     personal     and     divine 


138  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

dominance  was  such  as  to  disarm  even  a 
truculent  foe.  If  you  have  a  personality  such 
as  that,  developed  during  a  lifetime  of  saint- 
hood, nothing  further  need  be  said;  no  instruc- 
tion is  required  by  such  a  one;  his  behaviour 
would  be  part  of  his  character,  and  his  influence 
may  be  extraordinary.  But  for  ordinary  un- 
trained and  ungifted  persons  to  attempt  con- 
duct on  this  level  because  they  admire  it,  when 
the  whole  foundation  on  which  it  is  built  is 
non-existent,  is  certainly  unwise  and  cannot  but 
lead  to  disaster.  The  apostolic  injunction  "Let 
this  mind  be  in  you  which  was  also  in  Christ 
Jesus"  is  sane  and  right  and  strong;  and 
if  that  is  the  state  of  your  mind  you  are  above 
exhortation  or  rebuke.  But  if  it  be  not  the 
state  of  your  mind,  if  you  have  not  led  the 
life  which  makes  that  possible,  if  you  are  only 
pretending  that  your  mind  is  in  that  condition, 
— then  the  pretence  will  become  apparent,  and 
your  actions  will  discredit  yourself  and  disable 
your  friends:  besides  doing  mortal  injury  to  the 
cause  you  have  at  heart.  There  are  good  people 
about  to-day  whose  desire  for  good  is  genuine 
enough,  though  their  power  and  wisdom  are  ter- 
ribly limited.  So  far  as  lies  in  their  power 
they  are,  without  intending  it,  encouraging  the 
foe. 

It  is  the  same  in  industrial  war — to  which 
some  of  those  who  now  advocate  premature  and 
easy  conditions  of  peace  may  be  more  accustomed. 
While  your  enemy  is  undefeated,  an  offer  of 
easy  terms  is  a  sign  of  weakness.  Ordinary 
commercial  bargaining  would  obviously  be  jeop- 
ardized by  premature  offer  of  easy  terms.  Only 


"LOVE  YOUR  ENEMIES"  139 

when  you  are  really  master,  and  the  foe 
(whether  it  be  workmen  in  a  strike  or  masters 
in  a  lock-out)  is  defeated,  can  leniency  and 
generosity  be  proposed  without  their  being  not 
only  misunderstood  but  actually  detrimental. 
All  such  talk  at  the  present  time  is  a  danger 
to  the  Commonwealth,  especially  if  its  impor- 
tance— as  is  all  too  likely — be  overrated  by  the 
foe. 

But  what  a  period  it  is  through  which  we 
are  passing,  one  of  the  scourging  and  purify- 
ing epochs  of  the  world's  history!  The  good 
feeling  and  the  generosity  are  only  untimely: 
presently  when  peace  reigns  once  more,  they  will 
resume  their  value,  and  be  an  asset  to  mankind. 
Tribulation  is  always  grievous,  and  the  pain  suf- 
fered by  kindly  and  tender  souls  must  be  severe; 
but  it  is  the  method  necessary  for  threshing  out 
the  grain,  and  we  are  now  buying  the 
threshing-floor  that  in  the  future  may  stay  the 
plague. 

Saddened  and  serious  the  nation  will  hence- 
forth be,  sobered  by  the  loss  of  so  many  bright 
young  lives, — brilliant,  some  of  them,  with  every 
worldly  prospect,  heirs  of  great  estates,  in- 
heritors of  great  names,  to  human  ken  lost  and 
gone— 

Oh  lago,  the  pity  of  it;  the  pity  of  it,  lago! 

And  those  who  return,  saved  as  by  fire,  what  \ 
scenes  they  will  have  witnessed,  what  memories  * 
will  cling  round  them,  what  horrors  have  they  \ 
not  been  through?  For  a  generation  at  least  / 
frivolity  will  surely  be  burned  out  of  the  land,  1 
a  consuming  fire  will  have  passed  over  it ; 


140  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

and  an  outpouring  of  the  Spirit,  long-  expected, 
will  meet  with  keener  receptivity  than  ever  be- 
fore. 

Blow  out,  you  bugles,  over  the  rich  Dead ! 
There's  none  of  these  so  lonely  and  poor  of  old 
But  dying,  has  made  us  rarer  gifts  than  gold, 

Honour  has  come  back,  as  a  king,  to  earth, 
And  paid  his  subjects  with  a  royal  wage; 
And  nobleness  walks  in  our  ways  again ; 
And  we  have  come  into  our  heritage. 

We  have  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  past,  we 
are  struggling  through  the  present;  only  those 
)  now  young  will  enter  upon  the  future — a  future 
/  clouded  with  anxiety  but  brightened  with  hope. 
"To  you,  young  men,  it  has  been  given  by  a 
tragic  fate  to  see  with  your  eyes  and  hear  with 
your  ears  what  war  really  is.  Old  men  made 
it,  but  you  must  wage  it — with  what  courage, 
with  what  generosity,  with  what  sacrifice  of 
what  hopes,  they  best  know  who  best  know 
you.  If  you  return  from  this  ordeal,  remember 
what  it  has  been.  Do  not  listen  to  the  shouts 
of  victory,  do  not  snuff  the  incense  of  applause; 
but  keepyour  inner  visioji^  fixed  on  the  facts 
you  ^v^nfaced7^You  have~  seelnrbattleshipsTl^ay- 
dnetsTand  guns,  and  you  know  them  for  that  they 
are,  forms  of  evil  thought.  Think  other  thoughts, 
love  other  loves,  youth  of  England  and  of  the 
world!  You  have  been  through  hell  and  purga- 
tory. Climb  now  the  rocky  stair  that  leads  to  the 
sacred  mount." 


PART  III:  THE  FUTURE 

"Thy  kingdom  come'' 


When  history  records  its  final  verdict  upon  this  great  war 
and  decides  upon  its  real  causes,  it  will  be  influenced  not  so 
much  by  what  we  are  saying  now,  as  by  what  we  do  after- 
wards. 

(Much  remains 
To  conquer  still,  peace  hath  her  victories 
No  less  renown'd  than  war.  . 


PART  III:  THE  FUTURE 
CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE    OUTCOME 

THE  toil  and  suffering  are  not  over  yet,  the 
need  for  continued  exertion  is  patent;  it 
is  too  soon  to  estimate  the  consequences, 
but  the  pain  and  danger  have  been  so  severe 
that  surely  the  nation  will  take  warning,  surely 
it  will  not  let  itself  sink  back  into  old  habits, 
and  once  more  become  s^uggi^h  and  lyjojriojis. 
Not  England  only  but  Europesnould  be  renewed 
in  the  s^iritof  its  mjn4.  The  earth  might  be 
so  fine  a  habitation  for  an  ennobled  human  race; 
the  physical  beauty  of  its  early  summer — which 
to  some  percipient  souls  is  so  intense  as  to  be 
hardly  bearable — is  only  typical  of  what  might 
be  throughout,  if  man  also  became  harmonious. 
If,  in  some  strange  indirect  way,  the  present  strife 
contributed  towards  an  effective  realization  of  this 
truth,  the  outcome  would  be  worth  even  the 
cost. 

But  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  result  of  the 
war  must  be  dependent  on  the  progress  our 
civilization  has  made  during  the  era  of  peace.  ) 
We  cannot  suddenly  change  our  character; 
what  we  can  do  is  to  use  the  opportunity  to 
develop  and  foster  those  wholesome  attributes 

143 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

which    might    otherwise    have    lain    dormant — to 
display  the  power  and  the  goodwill  which  only  a 
strong  stimulus  can  bring  into  the  light  of  day. 
Humanity   rises   under    stress,    it   responds   to   a 
strenuous    call,    and    the    same    individuals    who 
have  gone  on  working  and  grumbling  and  living 
ordinarily  most  of  their  lives  are  found  to  be- 
have   as    heroes    when    danger    is    imminent    or 
when   the   call   of   duty   comes.     War    is   by   no 
1  means  the  only  real  stimulus:   opportunities   for 
/heroism  arise  in  times  of  peace  also;  and,  whether 
at  a  coalpit,  or  a  fire,  or  a  shipwreck,  men  are 
able,   without   self-consciousness   or   any   heroics, 
to  perform  prodigies  of  valour  and  willingly  to 
risk  their  lives.     Daily  routine  isoften  tQQ_dull 
to   bring   out   theHSest   itT^humafT  natureTonlv 
i  the   really^  strong   soul   can  Tfve~TIe7oTcarly   amid 
'•  the    ordinary    humdrum    affairs    of    life.     That 
•  seems    to    be    a    test    beyond    ordinary    human 
nature;   yet   the  heroism   is   there   all   the   time, 
often   unsuspected, — it   only   needs   circumstances 
to  call  it  out.     T.   H.   Green   used  to   say  that 
I  "one   of   the   chief   trials   of   life   was   its   slow- 
j  ness."     What   modern   courage   is   called   on    to 
face  is  not,  as  in  war,  the  storm  and  the  whirl- 
wind with  their  grandeur  and  romance,  but  what 
William    James    called    "the    steady    drizzle"    of 
small    inconveniences,     discomforts,     annoyances, 
depressions,  and  despondencies.     Even  in  modern 
warfare  itself,  in  the  case  of  the  vast  majority 
of   those   who    are   either    directly   or    indirectly 
engaged,    it   is   doubtful   whether   it   is    not   this 
virtue,    under    exceptionally    exciting    conditions, 
that  is  mainly  called  for. 

The  merit  of  Nietzsche's  message — and  it  has 


THE  OUTCOME  145 

many  merits  when  interpreted  intelligently — is 
that  he  urged  his  unpromising  nation  to  treat 
daily-  affairs  as  opportunity  ior  heroic— £fFort 
This  is  the  meaning  of  the  sometimes  misin- 
terpreted passage  quoted  in  its  context  before,  in 
Chapter  VI:- 

"Live  dangerously.  Build  your  cities  on 
Vesuvius.  Launch  your  ships  on  uncharted 
seas.  Live  at  war  with  your  equals  and  with 
yourselves !" 

So  also  G.  B.  S.  set  forth  dramatically,  in 
Major  Barbara,  a  proposition  which  it  is  not 
unfair  to  consider  as  responsibly  intended: — 

"Nothing  is  ever  done  in  this  world  until 
men  are  prepared  to  kill  one  another  if  it  is  not 
done." 

And  again,  in  the  same  play: — 

"When  you  vote,  you  only  change  the  names 
of  the  Cabinet.  When  you  shoot,  you  pull  down 
Governments,  inaugurate  new  epochs,  abolish  old 
orders  and  set  up  new." 

Well,  we  have  been  "shooting"  now.  Surely 
we  may  hope  that  we  may  have  had  circum- 
stances enough,  or  shall  have  had  by  the  time 
the  war  is  finished,  to  call  out  our  faculties, 
not  momentarily  but  permanently,  and  to  estab- 
lish ordinary  life  on  a  higher  level  than  before. 
That  is  a  special  feature  in  the  training  of  the 
BoyScout,  that  he  is  to  seek  opportunities  of 
kindty  service  in  the  daily  round; — so  it  must 
be  part  of  the  education  of  the  ordinary  citizen 
to  recognize  an  opportunity  for  service  in  the 
life  of  honourable  industry,  in  the  life  of 
creation  rather  than  in  the  life  of  destruction, 


146  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

in  the  arts  of  peace  rather  than  in  the  arts  of 
war. 

"There   is   truer   duty   to   be   done   in   raising 

harvests   than   in  burning  them,   more  in  build- 

I  ing  houses  than  in  shelling  them,  more  duty  in 

4  honest  and  unselfish  living  than   in  honest   and 

'unselfish    dying.     To    be    heroic    in    danger    is 

little.     To    be    heroic    in    change    and    sway    of 

fortune    is    little.     To    be    patient    in    the    great 

.chasm   and   pause   of   loss    is   little.     But   to   be 

/heroic  in  happiness;  to  bear  yourself  gravely  and 

'  righteously   in   the   dazzling  of   the   sunshine   of 

morning;  not  to   forget  the   God   in   whom   you 

trust  when  He  gives  you  most;  not  to  fail  those 

who  trust  you  when  they  seem  to  need  you  least — 

this  is  the  difficult  fortitude.  .  .  .  All  the  duties 

of  her  children  to  England  may  be  summed  up 

in   two   words — industry    and   honour"    (Ruskin, 

The  Crown  of  Wild  Olive). 

But  we  must  keep  our  leaders  up  to  the 
mark:  we  must  make  them  use  all  their  abili- 
ties for  the  good  of  the  Nation;  we  must  call 
them  away  from  the  game  of  Party  Politics, 
from  a  consideration  of  party  gains  and  per- 
sonal careers;  or  rather  we  must  show  them 
that  their  careers  will  be  ruined  by  persistence 
in  any  such  trivialties.  We  have  been  counted 
among  the  champions  of  Christendom;  we  have 
stood  up  for  Christ  against  Belial.  The  cause 
of  the  Nation  is  now  the  cause  of  Christ. 
Politics  is  no  longer  a  game,  but  a  serious 
matter.  We  have  been  face  to  face  with  the 
powers  of  evil;  the  powers  of  good  have  been 
on  our  side.  We  must  be  faithful  to  the  highest 
that  we  know;  the  Nation  must  raise  the 


THE  OUTCOME  147 

standard  of  the  greatest  Revelation  in  human 
history.  While  as  to  the  Christian  Churches,— 
they  must  admit  their  essential  unity,  they  must 
try  to  regard  their  differences  as  they  would 
be  regarded  from  a  higher  standpoint; 
religious  denominations  must  cease  from  squab- 
bling, on  pain  of  losing  their  hold  on  the  Com- 
munity. The  cry  of  the  religious  teacher,  in 
essence  if  not  in  words,  must  be  "Back  to 
Christ." 

We  shall  have  learnt  that  death  and  sacrifice 
for  the  good  of  humanity  is  not  too  high  a 
demand,  even  on  the  most  ordinary  of  the  sons 
of  men;  while  as  to  the  higher,  the  mountain 
peaks  of  the  race, — the  atmosphere  is  tremulous 
with  the  wave  of  sympathy  which  is  passing 
through  it,  and  death  is  but  the  prelude  to  im- 1 
mortal  victory. 

Unto  each  man  his  handiwork,  unto  each  his  crown, 

The  just  fate  gives ; 
Whoso  takes  the  world's  life  on  him  and  his  own  lays  down, 

He,  dying  so,  lives. 

Whoso  bears  the  whole  heaviness  of  the  wrong'd  world's 
weight 

And  puts  it  by, 
It  is  well  with  him  suffering,  though  he  face  man's  fate ; 

How  should  he  die  ? 

Seeing  death  has  no  part  in  him  any  more,  no  power 

Upon  his  head ; 
He  has  bought  his  eternity  with  a  little  hour, 

And  is  not  dead. 

For  an  hour  if  ye  look  for  him,  he  is  no  more  found, 

For  one  hour's  space ; 
Then  ye  lift  up  your  eyes  to  him  and  behold  him  crowned, 

A  deathless  face. 


148  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

On  the  mountains  of  memory,  by  the  world's  well-springs, 

In  all  men's  eyes, 
Where  the  light  of  the  life  of  him  is  on  all  past  things, 

Death  only  dies. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

ON  THE  DULNESS  OF  WAR,  AND  ITS  CIVILIAN  ASPECT, 
AND    ON    EFFECTIVE    NEUTRALITY 

THE  demonstration  of  the  uninteresting  and 
monotonous    character    of    modern    civilized 
warfare  is  a  feature  of  special  value.     War 
is  now  a  dull  and  dirty  business,  and  the  acces- 
sories of  its  organization  are  much  more  closely 
related  to  the  discipline   associated  with   convict 
labour  than  ever  before. 

The  state  and  panoply  of  war  is  a  thing  of 
the  past.  Parade  finery  has  become  an  ana- 
chronism. It  used  to  have  a  meaning  when 
people  actually  went  into  war  in  fine  clothes; 
but  now  that  they  are  all  discarded  before 
business  begins,  they  have  become  a  sham  and 
a  pretence,  like  bad  architecture,  which  pretends 
to  be  stone  whereas  it  is  really  iron,  the  sham 
arch  being  supported  by  a  girder.  Real  fighting 
clothes  are  not  conspicuous  but  workmanlike. 
Armies  do  not  advance  with  banners  flying  and 
trumpets  blowing,  but  in  loose  open  order,  each 
individual  looking  after  himself,  and  taking  shelter 
or  digging  himself  into  the  mud  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible. Tools  are  therefore  quite  as  important  as 
arms;  and  miners  with  safety  breathing  ap- 
pliances may  prove  themselves  the  fittest  to  sur- 
vive. 

149 


150  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

It  is  much  the  same  in  marine  warfare.  To 
conduct  sneaking  undersea  attacks  on  fishing 
boats  or  trading  vessels  is  no  occupation  for 
a  gentleman;  and  the  deteriorating  effect  of 
this  kind  of  work  on  German  sailors  has  be- 
come conspicuous.  It  is  dishonouring  to  a  noble 
profession. 

Every  war  has  its  own  lessons,  and  training 
based  on  past  experience  gets  rapidly  out  of 
date.  Initiation  and  originality  are  more  neces- 
sary than  mechanical  obedience.  Changes  are 
very  rapid,  and  excessive  practical  instruction  in 
extinct  methods  may  be  positively  harmful. 

Moreover  war  has  become  to  a  great  extent 
)  a  matter  of  civil  organization:  traffic  and  supplies 
and  railways,  engineering  and  scientific  appli- 
cations and  medical  resources;  all  which  things 
can  be  studied  and  encouraged  and  developed 
in  times  of  peace,  only  a  slight  dislocation  and 
extension  being  needed  to  make  them  available 
in  times  of  war.  In  medicine  and  surgery  this 
seems  fully  recognized.  It  might  be  more 
recognized  in  engineering  and  many  other 
subjects. 

Far  less  than  before  is  war  an  exclusive  and 
self-contained  subject.  A  few  leaders  and  officers 
who  make  it  a  profession  there  must  always  be; 
but  the  bulk  of  the  combatants  should  be  en- 
gaged in  civil  occupations,  and  a  moderate  amount 
of  parade  drill  should  be  sufficient.  Open  order 
advance  must  depend  a  good  deal  on  individual 
prowess,  and  training  for  it  must  be  more  akin 
to  scout  work  than  to  parade  drill.  Older  methods 
have  to  be  partially  unlearned  in  modern  war; 


DULNESS  OF  WAR  151 

it  is  full  of  emergency,  and  occasional  breaches  of 
regulation-tightness  may  be  justified  by  success. 

The  system  of  keeping  soldiers  nearly  idle 
during  peace,  and  too  superior  to  do  civil  work 
efficiently,  must  be  out  of  date.  Trench  work 
is  dirty  and  muddy,  and  there  is  no  reason  why 
the  men  should  not  engage  in  similar  work 
in  peace  time.  In  the  old  days  at  the  South 
Kensington  Museum,  if  a  bucket  was  wanted, 
two  men  and  a  corporal  were  sent  to  fetch  it; 
the  two  men  brought  the  bucket  between  them, 
the  corporal  marching  with  them.  This  sort  of 
thing  is  nonsense,  and  is  akin  to  the  "goose  step" 
— a  characteristic  though  ridiculous  Prussian  at- 
titude. 

It  is  right  that  war  should  disturb  industrial  \ 
organization,  and  that  warriors  should  freely 
utilize  the  skill  of  civilians,  who  willingly  help 
if  called  in  and  given  the  opportunity:  it  is  not 
right  that  a  whole  class  of  the  community  be 
kept  for  war  purposes  alone.  War  is  only 
tolerable  if  made  a  dire  national  necessity,  so 
that  it  will  never  be  entered  upon  lightly  or  for 
the  sake  of  a  career;  it  ought  to  interrupt 
careers,  and  be  only  undertaken  when  it  is  forced 
upon  us  from  outside, — as  in  the  present 
instance. 

We  have  learnt  that  against  certain  foes  peace- 
ful civilians  enjoy  no  immunity  in  case  of  in- 
vasion. Hence  they  must  be  able  to  resist.  For 
that  purpose,  and  that  purpose  only,  they  must 
all  be  armed  and  trained, — at  least  wherever  in- 
vasion is  a  possibility. 

But  apart  from  the  actual  danger  which 
civilians  now  run,  of  overbearing  and  atrocious 


152  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

insult,  universal  body-training  for  service  should 
be  the  rule;  not  what  is  now  known  as 
military  training — or  not  much  of  that; — but 
plenty  of  something  more  like  naval  training — 
the  training  of  the  handy  man;  training  for  use- 
fulness of  all  sorts,  analogous  to  that  of  Boy 
Scouts;  together  with  exercise  for  maintaining 
bodily  fitness,  for  power  of  marching  and 
carrying  weights  and  endurance  generally.  Such 

!  discipline  would  be  good  for  the  nation, 
and  would  lessen  the  number  of  street 
loafers  and  corner-men,  whose  very  aspect  is  a 
disgrace. 

To  call  upon  every  nation  to  maintain  so  large 
a  body  of  troops  as  to  be  able  to  intervene 
effectively  by  armed  force  in  case  of  need  is 
too  much,  but  there  ought  to  be  an  international 
pglice  to  enforce  the  judgements  of  international 
V  \  law.  Law  without  force  at  its  back  is  futile. 
There  must  be  penalties  for  crime,  and  they 
must  be  enforced.  The  armies  of  the  future  must 
be  maintained  not  for  national  aggrandizement, 
but  as  an  international  police.  And  the  more 
civic  and  industrial  the  normal  occupations  of 
the  force  can  be,  the  better.  Many  humane  duties 
can  be  found  for  them, — even  for  the  few  who 
have  to  be  specifically  professional, — just  as' 
they  are  found  for  the  ordinary  civic  police  of 
to-day. 

The  army  should  be  more  like  a  police; 
and  the  more  international  the  purely  military 
calls  upon  it  can  be  made,  the  better;— 
an  international  police  for  enforcing  inter- 
national law,  like  the  civil  machinery  we 
have  for  defence  against  burglars:  the  police 


CIVILIAN  ASPECT  OF  WAR  153 

being  armed  whenever  burglars  are  armed,  and 
provided  with  all  the  proper  machinery.  In 
mechanism  and  equipment  nothing  should  be 
lacking;  and  every  industrial  organization  should 
be  pressed  into  the  service.  But  it  should  be  in 
full  swing  for  ordinary  industrial  purposes  at 
other  times;  and  the  managing  and  directing 
powers  of  those  who  have  acquired  long  expert- 
ness  by  practice  should  be  utilized  in  times  of 
\var.  War  should  perturb  the  ordinary  processes 
of  trade;  it  should  be  conducted  by  their  means 
and  at  their  expense.  Business  should  not  go  on 
as  usual. 

All  neutral  nations  should  consider  it  their 
duty  to  uphold  international  law,  and  must  cease 
to  consider  themselves  free  to  refrain  from 
action  in  face  of  international  crime.  But  only 
in  face  of  actual  crime  should  the  international 
force  be  mobilized.  The  right  of  revolt  and 
insurrection  must  be  preserved.  An  army  used 
to  suppress  freedom  would  be  a  curse.  Like 
every  weapon,  many  inventions,  and  nearly 
every  scientific  discovery,  military  force  can 
be  misused:  its  employment  should  be  jealously 
guarded  and  limited  to  its  proper  purpose.  It 
must  certainly  be  no  engine  in  the  hands  of 
any  one  class,  nor  of  any  one  Government.  It 
must  not  be  used  to  suppress  popular  criticism 
and  free  speech.  All  this  is  or  should  be  plati- 
tude: for  if  there  is  a  danger  in  this  direction 
we  are  better  without  the  force.  The  right  use 
of  force  is  to  sustain,  not  to  repress,  freedom, 
and  to  uphold  the  principles  of  international 
law. 


154  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

NEUTRALITY 

International  law,  people  say,  is  confused 
and  uncertain;  but  unless  neutral  nations  do 
their  duty  in  suppressing  international  crime,  it 
is  likewise  impotent.  Irrespective  of  any  deli- 
cate question  of  law,  there  have  recently  been 
manifest  crimes  committed  against  humanity. 
These  demand  punishment.  If  neutral  nations 
take  no  notice,  the  offender  glories  in  his  im- 
munity and  continues  his  diabolical  practices. 
It  is  troublesome  no  doubt  to  pronounce  a 
strong  judgement,  the  lazy  way  is  to  sup- 
pose that  there  may  be  something  to  be 
said  on  both  sides,  and  to  steer  a  middle, 
neutral,  smug,  and  passive  course.  In  case 
of  crime  against  the  innocent,  this  pro- 
cedure is  utterly  unfair.  It  is  stigmatized 
forcibly  by  Browning  in  The  Ring  and  the 
Book,  The  balanced  judgement  of  the  lawyer — 
it  was  not  then  the  Pope — in  that  poem  is  blas- 
phemy against  truth  and  right.  The  fatal  out- 
come of  such  inertia  could  be  no  worse  if 
judgement  were  viciously  and  purposely  given  in 
favour  of  wrong. 

It  may  be  said  truly  by  some  neutral  nations 
that  they  are  not  called  upon  to  fight.  That 
may  be  so,  but  in  that  case  they  are  so  for- 
tunately situated  that  without  sacrifice  of  blood 
and  treasure,  merely  by  supplying  help  in  one 
direction  and  withholding  it  in  another — sacri- 
ficing nothing  but  an  evil  opportunity  for  profit 
— they  can  while  declining  war  take  effective  sides. 
There  should  not  be  a  civilized  state  in  the  world 
now  that  countenances  such  acts  as  have  been 


NEUTRALITY  155 

ordered  by  the  ruthless  policy  of  Germany.  The 
powerful  criminal  should  be  banned  and  isolated 
by  all  the  rest  of  humanity. 

Apart  altogether  from  armed  intervention, 
or  from  any  participation  in  current  disputes, 
the  weapon  of  the  boycott  can  be  made  very 
effective  against  a  criminal  nation;  and  any  ill- 
treatment  of  prisoners  or  helpless  people  left 
in  the  enemy's  hands  should  be  most  severely 
dealt  with.  For  this  cold-blooded  and  dis- 
graceful sin  there  is  no  excuse,  and  there  should 
be  no  forgiveness:  it  is  an  outrage  on 
humanity. 

Of  how  great  service  America  has  been  to 
us  in  this  one  respect — that  of  obtaining  access 
to  and  reporting  concerning  our  prisoners — it 
is  unnecessary  to  speak.  It  is  an  honourable 
service  which  as  a  matter  of  course  it  performs, 
but  nevertheless  we  are  grateful;  and  the  effort 
not  altogether  to  lose  the  approbation  of  that 
great  people  has  been  a  restraining  influence  on 
exalted  criminals  who  have  very  nearly  cast  off  all 
restraint. 

The  cutting  off  of  supplies  and  diverting  the 
stream  of  commerce  from  a  delinquent,  is  a 
kind  of  war,  and  a  very  effective  kind,  but  it 
is  war  which  does  not  seek  to  maim  and  shatter. 
It  cannot  be  undertaken  without  pecuniary  and 
commercial  sacrifice,  entry  upon  it  is  therefore 
highly  honourable,  and  its  sole  object  is  to 
bring  erring  nations  to  their  senses,  to 
strengthen  the  principle  of  right  and  equity, 
and  to  uphold  a  righteous  government  of  the 
world. 


CHAPTER  XX 

SOCIAL   UNREST 
J'ACCUSE 

ONLY  in  a  country  like  Germany  which  has 
concentrated  its  soul  on  war-preparation  can 
a  war  be  really  efficiently  conducted.  The 
fact  that  modern  war  had  become  a  scientific  and 
industrial  undertaking  is  there  well  understood; 
and,  partly  in  consequence  of  that  perception,  the 
industrial  and  scientific  resources  of  that  country 
have  been  developed  to  the  utmost,  and  so  organ- 
ized that  they  can  be  diverted  from  peace  to  war 
purposes  without  delay  or  dislocation.  The 
familiar  inscription  on  railway  trucks  (6  horses 
or  40  men)  and  the  personal  bearing  of  railway 
officials,  are  outward  and  visible  signs  of  this  easy 
transition. 

On  the  other  hand  it  is  manifest  that  we 
are  almost  hopelessly  far  from  such  a  concen- 
tration— even  in  time  of  dire  need.  War  Office 
officials,  without  adequate  training  in  mercantile 
affairs,  continue  to  manage  what  should  be 
managed  by  competent  civilians;  and  though 
they  now  conduct  certain  things,  such  as  trans- 
port, in  an  admirable  manner,  under  the  orga- 
nizing genius  at  their  head,  other  things  are 
being  seriously  mismanaged.  Scandals  are  arising 

156 


SOCIAL  UNREST  157 

about  contracts;  and  even  many  months  after  the 
war  broke  out  competent  and  specially  trained 
civilians  anxious  to  help  were  not  trusted  and 
not  encouraged.  Meetings  take  place  for  organiz- 
ing manufacturing  firms  on  a  war  basis,  but 
hardly  anything  is  done.  All  this  may,  I  hope, 
become  ancient  history  at  any  moment:  but,  even 
so,  valuable  time  has  elapsed  before  it  is  set 
right. 

We  have  depended  almost  wholly  on  the 
strong  and  resolute  character  of  the  men  at 
the  front,  and  we  have  dawdled  over  the 
preparations  which  would  back  up  their  bravery 
and  make  it  effective. 

Consider  the  civilian's  position,  and  his 
irritating  impotence  in  the  face  of  what  he 
knows  is  dire  need.  Great  manufacturing  firms 
are  given  rights  and  privileges  for  the  good 
of  the  community;  and  when  the  call  comes  upon 
them  for  special  service,  they  could  surely  re- 
spond, not  merely  to  definite  red  tape  orders, 
but  in  an  organizing  capacity;  and  they  would 
be  able  to  manage  their  business  far  better 
than  when  hampered  by  well-meaning  but 
ignorant  officialdom.  Neither  business  nor 
finance  can  be  efficiently  worked  by  amateurs, 
any  more  than  an  inexperienced  civilian  can 
conduct  a  campaign.  Civil  activities  must 
bend  to  military  need,  but  the  civil  organiza- 
tion itself  should  be  utilized,  fully  informed, 
and  trusted. 

Treachery  would  be  rare,  and  when  discovered 
should  be  dealt  with  in  prompt  military  man- 
ner. The  vicious  contractor  is  as  dangerous  as 
a  full-blown  traitor.  He  may  exist  but  surely 


158  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

he  is  exceptional.  .  Patriotism  might  easily  be 
made  the  dominant  note.  Greed  is  a  temptation 
which  inefficient  control  only  strengthens. 
Venality  is  not  wholly  excluded,  or  some  officials 
are  much  slandered.  Secret  commissions  are 
spoken  of  in  some  countries,  and  there  are 
scandalous  rumours  even  about  the  supply  of 
arms. 

But  hideous  evils  like  these  need  no  denun- 
ciation. They  skulk  in  darkness:  the  light  of 
day  would  destroy  them.  There  are  people  com- 
petent to  drag  them  out;  and  random  accusations 
are  worse  than  useless.  Let  us  deal  here  only 
with  those  evils  which  are  not  universally  felt 
to  be  evils, — with  those  remediable  errors  which 
are  consistent  with  a  feeling  of  righteousness 
and  honour  and  duty.  Mistaken  or  ill-informed 
officialism  is  one:  it  has  been  obstructive  in  every 
war  we  have  had,  and  it  is  only  less  obstructive 
now.  Hitherto  the  patriotism  of  manufacturing 
firms  has  prevented  active  revolt,  but  the  tradi- 
tional methods  of  the  War  Office,  in  subjects 
which  they  do  not  understand,  have  been 
irritating  beyond  words.  Let  us  hope  that  under 
the  present  regime  the  tradition  will  be 
broken. 

Then  the  workmen  must  be  better  instructed 
about  what  is  expected  of  them.  Posters  invite 
them  to  enlist,  but  other  information  should  be 
given,  and  their  services  should  be  asked  for  in 
many  other  ways  also.  To  have  Trade  Unions 
deciding  on  limitation  of  output,  and  artificially 
restricting  the  working  of  machinery  because 
of  some  conditions  to  which  they  had  grown 
half-accustomed  in  time  of  peace — an  outcome 


SOCIAL  UNREST  159 

of  social  strife  and  misunderstanding  between 
employer  and  employed — to  have  such  con- 
ditions extending  into  war  time,  so  that  men  at 
the  front  are  being  slaughtered  for  want  of  the 
munitions  which  would  do  half  the  work  for  them 
— is  utterly  intolerable.  It  is  treachery  of  the 
worst  description.  It  cannot  be  meant  as  such: 
it  must  be  due  to  defective  imagination,  the  result 
of  lack  of  education.  Authoritative  exposition  and 
instruction  is  the  remedy ;  the  poster  method  might 
be  still  more  employed  for  the  dissemination  of 
trustworthy  information. 

When  the  indignation  of  a  people  breaks  out 
into  rioting,  the  way  to  calm  them  is  not  by 
police  suppression,  but  by  information.  If  they 
are  assured  that  the  authorities  are  actually  deal- 
ing with  certain  abuses,  they  will  not  go  to  the 
trouble  and  danger  of  violence;  but  if  they  are 
not  so  assured,  they  may  feel  it  their  righteous 
duty  to  show  to  those  in  authority  that  the 
country  is  in  earnest,  and  that  the  population  is 
behind  them  if  they  take  strong  measures.  In 
a  Democracy  this  is  no  small  matter  to  be 
assured  of.  People  in  a  higher  class  write  to 
the  Times,  or  speak  on  platforms,  when  they 
feel  similarly  moved;  but  for  the  mass  of  people, 
to  whom  a  brick  is  handier  than  a  pen,  what 
outlet  for  their  feelings  have  they,  beyond  a 
protest  emphasized  by  physical  force?  In 
its  origin  the  outbreak  may  be  quite  serious  and 
conscientious;  but  of  course  the  danger  is  that 
a  rough  and  irresponsible  element,  always  lurk- 
ing in  the  community,  may  utilize  the 
opportunity  for  frolic,  and  may  bring  dis- 


160  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

credit  on  the  movement  by  random  destruction  and 
looting. 

Adequate  and  prompt  information  would  stop 
the  beginnings  of  disturbance,  provided  the 
Government  were  able  to  say  and  to  prove— 
what  unfortunately  they  are  often  not  able 
to  show — that  they  are  fully  awake  to  the  position 
and  are  taking  prompt  and  effective  measures.  It 
is  just  because  this  is  not  only  not  known,  but 
sometimes  not  the  fact,  that  rioting  is  in  a  man- 
ner justified,  and  occasionally  does  assist  to  stimu- 
late into  activity  those  who  might  otherwise  be 
asleep. 

The  populace  cannot  be  expected  always  to 
respond  to  stimulus  just  when  desired,  and  to 
refrain  from  all  undesired  forms  of  activity,  un- 
less it  is  more  frequently  taken  into  confidence 
and  informed  clearly  and  sufficiently  what  is  being 
done. 

There  are  indeed  some  measures  taken  by 
the  enemy  to  which  we  in  this  country  would 
hardly  stoop.  It  is  part  of  their  efficiency  not 
only  to  develop  their  own  industries  but  to  try 
to  injure  ours  by  a  system  of  spies  and  of 
agents  provocateurs.  Bribes  of  more  or  less 
indirect  kind  can  be  given  to  employers,  and 
the  natural  tendency  of  hard-worked  and 
ignorant  men  to  drink  and  idleness  and  slack- 
ness can  readily  be  fostered  by  aliens  in  our 
midst;  free  drinks  can  be  provided  at  a  cost 
not  excessive  considering  the  advantage  of 
obstructing  the  production  of  munitions  of  war; 
and  our  unsuspecting  workers  may  fall  into  the 
trap.  It  is  a  loathsome  and  dirty  kind  of  war, 
but  that  to  some  minds  seems  to  be  an  attrac- 


SOCIAL  UNREST  161 

tion.  And  in  so  far  as  they  are  really  en- 
deavouring to  make  war  loathsome  and  filthy 
as  well  as  horrible, — and  in  so  far  as  they  incite 
us  to  retaliatory  measures  altogether  beneath 
our  dignity,  thereby  lowering  the  moral  cur- 
rency below  that  of  savages,  who  do  at  least 
make  war  with  open  force — so  far  they  may  be 
stimulating  an  ultimately  beneficent  reaction, 
since  the  whole  atmosphere  of  so-called  war  will 
become  too  disgusting  for  civilized  nations  any 
longer  to  be  able  to  endure  it. 

What  is  past  is  past — though  not  beyond  in- 
quiry and  punishment, — and  we  are  looking  to 
the  future.  In  the  future  we  want  to  get  down 
to  the  root  causes  of  an  evil  state  of  things. 
Something  is  very  wrong  with  industrial  condi- 
tions when  workmen's  organizations  can  delib- 
erately withhold  munitions  and  threaten  strikes, 
not  because  of  any  immediate  grievance,  but  to 
uphold  certain  rules  and  regulations  which  in  past 
time  they  have  made. 

But  although  the  call  for  special  and  sustained 
effort  is  loud,  there  is  no  excuse  for  harassed 
employers  or  impatient  officials  to  urge  men  to 
continuity  of  labour,  for  long  periods  together, 
beyond  their  strength.  Such  over-pressure  de- 
feats its  own  end,  it  makes  for  inefficiency;  length 
of  hours  does  not  mean  greater  output.  Skilled 
and  thoughtful  attention  is  necessary  to  all  these 
points,  and  to  the  physical  and  mental  health 
of  workpeople.  Spurts  of  extra  work  are  pos- 
sible, but  they  must  be  short;  and  if  men  are  over- 
strained, their  stamina  or  their  nerves  break 
down,  so  that  when  an  extra  call  comes  they 
cannot  respond,  and  in  sheer  hopeless  reaction 


162  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

may  give  way  to  the  temptation  of  careless 
oblivion. 

Overwork  on  the  part  of  men  and  animals  is 
to  be  deprecated, — periods  of  rest  are  essen- 
tial,— but  intermittent  operation  is  no  benefit 
to  a  machine; — that  is  quite  different  from 
animate  exertion — a  machine  is  not  overworked 
by  continuity  of  service,  rather  the  contrary. 
A  watch  is  none  the  better  for  being  allowed 
to  run  down. 

Mechanism  should  work  continuously,  includ- 
ing time  for  cleaning  and  repairs;  and  the  act 
of  artificially  keeping  a  machine  idle  at  the 
present  time,  when  it  might  be  making  munitions, 
is  wickedness  and  treachery. 

In  war  an  autocracy  or  dictatorship  has  a 
great  advantage  over  a  system  of  popular 
government,  unless  the  populace  is  wise  enough 
and  well-informed  enough  to  suspend  its  ordi- 
nary methods  of  restriction  and  revolt.  The 
throes  of  war  is  no  time  to  speak  of  social  reform. 
In  so  far  as  that  is  attempted  now,  we  are  reap- 
ing the  fruits  of  a  bad  past;  the  gleaners  are 
storing  trouble  for  themselves  and  are  hamper- 
ing their  cause  in  the  future.  They  have  a 
good  cause,  if  only  they  would  not  be  foolish 
now.  Can  they  not  suspend  their  rules  and  throw 
all  their  energies  into  the  work,  be  the  conse- 
quences what  they  may,  when  their  brothers  are 
being  sacrificed  by  the  thousand  for  want  of 
their  aid?  They  are  honoured  in  finding  that 
their  help  is  so  urgently  needed,  and  that  they 
are  competent  to  give  it.  To  abstain  is  folly 
which  can  only  be  half-excused  by  ignorance 


SOCIAL  UNREST  163 

or  stupidity,  and  verges  perilously  near  to 
crime. 

Most  working-men  feel  this  strongly,  and  are 
moved  to  indignation  at  the  slur  cast  upon  their 
class  by  the  action  or  inaction  of  what  can  only 
be  an  obstinate  few.  It  is  the  minority  only 
whom  we  accuse:  but  the  others  are  so  busy 
they  have  not  time  to  put  the  case  strongly 
enough  themselves.  It  is  in  their  behalf  that  we 
must  speak. 

And  in  speaking  we  must  recognize,  in  all 
fairness,  the  magnificent  mass  of  labour  and 
energy  that  is  being  thrown  into  the  national 
work,  not  only  now  but  always.  The  "working 
class"  is  an  epithet  of  nobility,  a  title  to  dis- 
tinction. It  is  to  that  class,  always  active  on 
sea  and  land,  that  the  nation  owes  its  comfort, 
its  luxury,  its  sustenance,  and  its  safety.  Among 
the  workers  must  be  reckoned  those  who  in 
normal  times  have  a  reasonable  amount  of 
leisure — as  all  should  have — even  though  their 
work  is  not  strictly  hand  work.  And  of  what 
are  ordinarily  called  the  more  leisured  classes, 
many,  as  is  well  known,  are  at  the  front,  sacri- 
ficing themselves  with  distinguished  honour  at 
the  call  of  duty,  and  surpassing  themselves  in 
acts  of  heroism;  while  many  others  are  work- 
ing hard  and  doing  all  they  can  in  various  ways 
—ambulance  and  other.  On  the  whole  all  classes, 
without  distinction,  have  responded  nobly,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  demand  of  their  traditions  and 
privileges. 

But  there  is  a  residuum  of  all  classes — most 
disgraceful  among  the  well-to-do — who  respond 
not  at  all  to  the  national  need,  who  regard  the 


164  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

whole  position  with  selfish  detachment,  who 
block  the  railway  line  with  their  special  trains, 
and  who  frankly  think  the  war  a  bore  because 
it  interferes  with  their  comfort  and  their  sports. 
These  are  not  worth  appealing  to:  they  are 
useless  excrescences  on  society  anyhow;  if  they 
abstained  from  gambling  they  would  be  doing 
no  good.  Their  possible  usefulness  is  not  worth 
considering.  Let  them  alone;  they  are  already 
damned. 

But  with  the  industrial  classes  the  case  is  far 
otherwise,  and  it  behoves  us  to  ask  very  care- 
fully how  is  it  that  any  reasonably  patriotic 
British  working-men  do  not  feel  the  call  of 
patriotism  more  intensely?  Those  who  join 
army  or  navy  in  time  of  war  undoubtedly  do 
feel  the  call;  but  those  who  stay  and  work  are 
just  as  necessary,  and  ought  to  feel  that  they  can 
just  as  really  and  honourably  serve  their  coun- 
try by  work  into  which  they  put  their  utmost 
energies — not  counting  the  cost,  not  seeking  for 
extra  profit  or  better  conditions,  and  not  allow- 
ing any  kind  of  class  feeling  to  rise  to  the  sur- 
face, until  the  foe  has  been  vanquished  and  peace 
restored. 

Hear  Mr.  Ruskin  on  the  roots  of  honour;  he 
is  worth  a  hearing:  though  he  is  then  chiefly 
addressing  employers.  He  is  explaining  that 
we  honour  a  soldier  because  he  is  ready  to  die 
for  his  country;  and  that  every  profession  is 
honoured  because  of  the  sacrifice  for  which,  under 
given  circumstances,  it  successfully  calls.  He 
specifies  the  conditions  under  which  a  man  will 
undergo  suffering  and  loss — the  due  occasion  on 


SOCIAL  UNREST  165 

which  he  should  be  ready  to  die — rather  than  prove* 
false  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him : — 

"The  Soldier,  rather  than  leave  his  post  in  battle. 
The  Physician,  rather  than  leave  his  post  in  plague. 
The  Pastor,  rather  than  teach  Falsehood. 
The  Lawyer  rather  than  countenance  Injustice. 
The  Merchant — what    is    his    due    occasion    of 
death?" 

May  we  not  say — rather  than  not  provide  for 
his  country  the  materials  it  grievously  needs? 

Shall  Commerce  and  Trade  be  the  only  dis- 
honourable profession?  Nay,  rather  we  shall  find 
that  "commerce  is  an  occupation  which  gentle- 
men will  every  day  see  more  need  to  engage  in, 
rather  than  in  the  businesses  of  talking  to  men, 
or  slaying  them;  that,  in  true  commerce,  as  in 
true  preaching,  or  true  fighting,  it  is  necessary 
to  admit  the  idea  of  occasional  voluntary  loss; 
— that  sixpences  have  to  be  lost,  as  well  as  lives, 
under  a  sense  of  duty;  that  the  market  may  have 
its  martyrdoms  as  well  as  the  pulpit;  and  trade 
its  heroisms,  as  well  as  war." 

This  has  begun  to  penetrate  to  some  employers 
of  labour — it  must  penetrate  to  many  more.  It 
has  hardly  begun  to  penetrate  to  the  workmen. 
Till  it  does,  their  occupation  lacks  the  dignity  which 
is  essentially  its  due. 

Let  us  now  leave  railing  accusations,  and  con- 
sider calmly  what  are  the  roots  of  the  evil,  if 
haply  we  may  discover  the  source  of  them,  and 
thus  find  a  way  to  a  remedy. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

INDUSTRIAL   CONDITIONS 

IN  considering  the  changes  that  should  be 
made  after  the  war,  it  is  essential  to  remem- 
ber the  ghastly  conditions  of  life  and  death 
which  we  have  idly  acquiesced  in;  hoping 
with  a  kind  of  grim  hope  that  they  were  inevit- 
able, and  that  so  not  we  were  responsible  but 
only  the  nature  of  things.  The  abominable 
false  doctrine  that  humanity  would  always  mul- 
tiply to  the  limits  of  subsistence  has  been 
responsible  for  much  supineness  and  hopeless- 
ness in  social  reform.  That  doctrine  has  proved 
itself  conspicuously  untrue;  and  surely  the  war 
has  taught  us  that  Society  may  be  more  effi- 
ciently organized,  so  as  to  attack  a  multitude 
of  remediable  evils.  Enthusiasts  hope  that 
humanity  can  see  its  way  to  put  down  war  for 
ever.  That  is  probably  beyond  our  power; 
we  cannot  legislate  for  all  eternity.  But  there 
are  more  important  things  which  do  lie  within 
our  power,  and  which  are  really  more  important 
than  mere  cessation  of  fighting.  There  are 
reforms  at  home  waiting  to  be  accomplished; 
and  there  are  men  able  and  willing  to  deal  with 
them,  if  only  the  sinews  for  that  wholesome  kind 
of  warfare  were  provided. — The  expenditure  not 
of  a  tithe,  nor  yet  of  a  hundredth,  but  of  a 

166 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  167 

thousandth  part  of  the  cost  of  this  war  could  in 
a  few  years  lead  to  an  extraordinary  benefit  to 
Society  and  might  constitute  a  literal  renewal 
of  life. 

Needless  infant  mortality  is  responsible  for 
as  many  frustrated  lives  as  war.  This  one  sen- 
tence touches  a  topic  of  vital  moment!  And 
survival  is  often  mere  existence — certainly  not 
fulness  of  life.  Life  is  just  what  we  do  not 
sufficiently  attend  to.  Mr.  Bernard  Shaw  is 
constantly  preaching  the  value  of  life  and  the 
strength  of  the  life-force,  if  we  gave  it  a  chance 
by  removing  manifest  and  fatal  disabilities,  and 
if  we  helped  it  with  energy  and  enthusiasm 
such  as  we  are  ready  to  bestow  without 
hesitation  upon  war.  This  is  what  he  has  re- 
cently said: — 

"Mr.  Sidney  Webb  offers  to  put  an  end  to 
British  unemployment  and  destitution,  with  their 
infinite  loss  and  demoralization,  for  a  paltry 
couple  of  million  pounds.  Sir  Horace  Plunkett 
offers  to  quadruple  the  produce  of  the  Irish  soil, 
and  thereby  avert  the  land  and  labour  war  that 
is  hanging  over  Ireland,  at  a  cost  of  £5,000  a 
year  for  technical  education  in  agriculture. 
They  might  as  well  ask  for  the  sun  and  stars. 
No  mother  sends  her  son  to  live  for  England. 
No  father  shakes  his  son's  hand  and  says  'I 
wish  I  were  young  enough  to  stand  beside  you 
in  the  fight  for  a  decent  country  to  live  in/  ' 

Now  that  we  have  learnt  the  power  of  or- 
ganization, and  the  vast  importance  of  scien- 
tific education  to  civilized  man,  we  surely  can- 
not be  content  to  continue  the  old  discredited 
methods  of  government  by  officials  and 


168  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

amateurs,  and  stint  all  really  enlightened  enter- 
prises by  the  prosaic  and  debilitating  handicap 
of  scarcity  of  funds.  The  impecuniosity  of 
practically  all  genuinely  educational  and  scien- 
tific institutions  is  a  national  disgrace  as  well  as 
folly. 

As  the  President  of  the  Leland  Stanford  Uni- 
versity in  America  has  lately  said : — 

"We  spend  now  some  $290,000,000  a  year 
on  'preparedness  for  war/  of  course  without 
getting  it,  though  coming  once  or  twice  dan- 
gerously near  it.  Let  us  in  addition  spend 
one  per  cent,  of  this  amount  on  prepared- 
ness for  peace.  It  is  an  experiment  worth 
trying." 

The  value  of  human  existence,  as  it  might 
be  developed  if  we  rose  to  the  height  of  our 
opportunities,  is  well  expressed  by  Mr.  Lowes 
Dickinson : — 

"There  can  be  no  peace,  not  even  a  genuine 
desire  for  peace,  until  men  realize  that  the 
greatness  of  a  people  is  to  be  measured  by  the 
quality  of  life  of  the  individual  citizens.  A 
city  like  Athens  or  Florence  is  worth  all  the 
Empires  that  have  ever  been.  The  nobility  of 
a  people  lies  not  in  its  capacity  for  war,  but  in 
its  capacity  for  peace.  It  is,  indeed,  only 
because  the  nations  are  incapable  of  the  one  that 
they  plunge  so  readily  into  the  other.  The  task 
of  peace  is  to  create  life,  as  the  task  of  war  is  to 
destroy  it;  to  organize  labour  so  that  it  shall 
not  incapacitate  men  for  leisure;  to  establish 
justice  as  a  foundation  for  personality;  to  un- 
fold in  men  the  capacity  for  noble  joy  and  pro- 
found sorrow;  to  liberate  them  for  the  passion 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  169 

of  love,  the  perception  of  beauty,  the  contempla- 
tion of  truth." 

And  again,  speaking  of  humanity  generally, 
"If  men  had  given  to  the  creation  of  life  a 
tithe  of  the  devotion  they  have  offered  again 
and  again  to  its  destruction,  they  would  have 
made  of  this  world  so  glorious  a  place  that 
they  would  not  need  to  take  refuge  from  it  in 
the  shambles.  It  is  our  false  ideals  that  make 
for  war.  And  it  is  the  feebleness  of  our  in- 
telligence and  the  pettiness  of  our  passions  that 
permit  such  ideals  to  master  us.  We  seek  col- 
lective power  because  we  are  incapable  of  in- 
dividual greatness.  We  seek  extension  of 
territory  because  we  cannot  utilize  the  territory 
we  have.  We  seek  to  be  many,  because  none 
of  us  is  able  to  be  properly  one." 

But  though  a  democracy  is  often  afflicted 
with  a  spirit  of  unwise  and  disproportionate 
economy,  neither  idealism  nor  ambition  can  be 
reckoned  among  its  weaknesses.  It  can  be  drilled 
for  war,  but  the  difficulty  of  organizing  it 
for  the  arts  of  peace  is  partly  due  to  its 
not  understanding  the  worthiness  of  the  ob- 
ject— having  naturally  small  perception  of  the 
beauty  of  life, — and  partly  to  its  disinclina- 
tion to  submit  to  authority  even  of  its 
own  choosing,  preferring  to  be  swayed  rather 
by  the  passion  of  the  moment  than  by  wise  and 
considered  judgement.  Yet  "when  a  man 
chooses  for  himself  the  part  that  he  will  take  in 
the  national  organization,  the  more  incumbent 
on  him  is  it  to  fulfil  that  part  to  the  utmost; 
where  he  has  a  voice  in  the  selection  of  those 
who  represent  supreme  authority,  it  is  all  the 


170  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

more  incumbent  on  him  to  obey  loyally."  That 
is  where  our  enemy  has  an  advantage.  For 
in  a  military  autocracy,  the  danger  of  anarchic 
individualism  is  far  less  real;  the  people  are 
readier,  as  it  were  by  instinct,  to  do  what 
they  are  told,  and  are  not  accustomed  to  think 
for  themselves.  "But  Liberty  has  its  price, 
Jike  all  else  that  is  worth  the  having;  and 
that  price  is  greater  risk  to  the  State  and  greater 
responsibility  to  the  individual/' 

That  truth  is  just  why  the  attitude  of  some 
of  the  intelligent  artisans  in  this  country  is 
specially  perturbing  and  disappointing;  the 
supine  and  apparently  selfish  attitude  of  some 
of  them  is  deserving  of  scrutiny.  To  what 
is  it  due?  The  facile  slander  is  to  attribute  it 
to  drink;  and  drink  is  not  without  its  influ- 
ence. Alcohol  is  perhaps  supplied  freely  by 
interested  enemies,  and  the  temptation  may 
often  be  succumbed  to.  But  the  attitude  of 
some  good  workers  to  the  country's  needs  is 
susceptible  of  deeper  explanation  than  that.  It 
is  not,  and  it  cannot  be,  lack  of  patriotism;  the 
very  same  sort  of  men  volunteer  for  deadly 
service  at  the  front.  Whenever  they  can  feel 
that  they  are  serving  the  Nation  and  not  the 
Capitalist  they  are  heroic;  the  blighting  sus- 
picion which  curbs  their  effort  is  as  to  who 
reaps  the  benefit  of  all  their  labour.  And 
this  is  not  a  momentary  impulse  or  trivial  ques- 
tion: it  has  grown  up  during  all  the  centuries 
of  factory  labour  and  dividend-earning  Com- 
panies. Labour  is  a  floating  commodity,  easily 
accessible,  and  enterprises  are  started  on  the 
certainty  that  the  necessary  labour  can  be  got 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  171 

for  the  asking,  and  can  be  discarded  and  changed 
at  will.  The  real  grievance  of  labour  is  the 
absence  of  interest  in  work — the  long  hours  of 
monotonous  soulless  toil. 

The  words  of  Coleridge,  in  The  Friend,  ex- 
press for  us  this  part  of  the  social  problem: 
'  'Those  institutions  of  society  which  should 
condemn  me  to  the  necessity  of  twelve  hours' 
daily  toil,  would  make  my  soul  a  slave,  and 
sink  the  rational  being  in  the  mere  animal.  It 
is  a  mockery  of  our  fellow-creatures'  wrongs 
to  call  them  equal  in  rights,  when,  by  the  bitter 
compulsion  of  their  wants,  we  make  them  in- 
ferior to  us  in  all  that  can  soften  the  heart  or 
dignify  the  understanding." 

And  a  writer  in  a  recent  Hibbert  Journal 
(April  1915)  says: — 

"In  any  great  industrial  city  one  looks  at  the 
people,  at  their  dwindled,  indefinite  types,  their 
deadening  work,  their  play,  which  for  the  most 
part  they  perform  by  proxy;  and,  after  humbly 
acknowledging  certain  virtues  in  them  which 
such  a  life  would  certainly  kill  in  oneself,  one 
is  still  tempted  to  cry,  'But  nothing,  nothing, 
can  ever  make  this  a  vital,  creative,  and  there- 
fore whole  and  happy  race  again !' ' 

That  is  a  hard  saying,  but  the  conditions 
must  be  held  responsible  for  whatever  industrial 
apathy  there  is. 

"I  am  not  unpatriotic,"  said  a  workman 
when  remonstrated  with.  "I  had  two  sons  at 
the  front,  one  of  them  is  killed.  I  am  willing 
to  serve  the  Country;  but  I  will  not  slave  over- 
time, and  seven  days  a  week,  to  increase  the 
profits  of  a  blasted  blood-sucking  board  of 


172  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Directors.  I  will  work  the  hours  I  choose  (he 
might  go  on)  and  for  as  long  as  is  necessary 
to  get  me  the  pay  I  need  for  a  week.  More 
I  don't  need,  and  I  want  to  live  a  human  life 
and  not  the  life  of  a  slave.  Show  me  work  that 
has  any  interest  and  excitement  and  a  spice  of 
danger,  and  I'm  on;  but  to  tend  a  machine 
day  after  day  from  my  youth  up, — I'm  about 
sick  of  it;  and  if  they  want  it  done  for  fifteen 
hours  a  day  they  can  get  another  machine  to 
do  it — not  me." 

How  can  the  modern  craftsman  have  joy  in 
his  work, — work  without  thought  or  originality 
or  initiative,  or  anything  but  a  long  familiar 
mechanical  skill?  It  can  be  tolerated  for  a  few 
hours  a  day,  since  that  is  the  way  in  which  he 
draws  from  the  capitalist  a  living  wage,  but 
as  for  the  work  itself  the  workman  sometimes 
feels  that  it  may  go  to  hell  and  the  capitalist 
with  it. 

"What's  all  the  work  for?"  he  sometimes 
asks.  "I  don't  know  who  wants  the  things. 
They're  not  produced  because  they're  wanted, 
but  because  there's  a  profit  on  each;  and  if  a 
million  are  turned  out  in  a  year,  then  the  profit 
is  a  large  one.  I'm  one  of  the  hands  that  makes 
the  profit  for  some  one,  and  I'm  tired  of  it. 

"Slums  tempered  by  beershops,  that's  where 
we  live,  and  we're  taken  on  and  shoved  off  just 
as  may  suit  the  manager.  If  the  country  needs 
my  services,  let  it  take  them  direct,  let  me 
have  something  to  live  for,  something  to  work 
for,  let  me  realize  what  I'm  doing  and  be 
allowed  to  put  some  thought  into  it.  Then  I'll 
put  my  back  into  it  too." 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  173 

An  anonymous  writer  in  The  New  Statesman 
describes  the  average  workman's  position  thus: 
we  may  not  approve  or  relish  the  description, 
but  we  may  at  least  bethink  ourselves  how  far, 
allowing  for  some  exaggeration,  it  is  true: — 

"Consider  the  working-man's  position.  He 
has  no  security  in  his  work  beyond  the  week — 
frequently  not  beyond  the  day.  He  lives 
at  the  whim  of  the  employing  classes.  He  lives 
as  it  were  at  a  week's  notice.  He  sees  his 
children  growing  up  about  him,  and  he  knows 
that  an  accident  may  happen  to  him,  any  day, 
as  the  result  of  which  they  will  be  left  to  the 
harsh  charity  of  the  parish.  He  sees  them 
growing  up  with  the  gutter  for  their  only 
garden,  and  he  speculates  on  the  future  of 
all  that  brightness  and  laughter,  and  its  in- 
secure tenure  even  of  the  gutter.  He  sees 
them  doomed  to  live  almost  for  certain  in  the 
same  flowerless  monotony  in  which  he  himself 
has  always  lived.  When  they  come  into  the 
house,  he  is  like  a  man  fighting  for  air.  They 
are  all  fighting  for  air.  They  are  overcrowded; 
they  cannot  get  away  from  each  other;  they 
get  on  each  other's  nerves.  Hence  the  occa- 
sional furies  of  mean  streets,  the  outbreaks  of 
violence  and  drunkenness.  He  attempts  to  bring 
some  of  the  beauty  of  the  world  into  his  home: 
he  has  a  caged  bird,  a  cat,  a  pot  of  geraniums. 
He  has  one  or  two  meanly  showy  glass  orna- 
ments on  the  mantelpiece;  but  his  house  is 
almost  always  ugly.  He  is  dumped,  as  it  were, 
into  a  brickfield:  he  has  no  inheritance  in  the 
teeming  earth.  Wherever  he  goes  it  is  the  same. 
He  is  herded  into  cheap  galleries  in  the  theatres: 


174  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

he  is  pushed  into  separate  bars  in  the  public- 
houses.  He  is  a  person  cut  off,  put  in  his  place. 
He  is  an  outsider,  and  his  children  are  out- 
siders, in  a  world  of  motor-cars  and  rich 
dresses  and  gardens.  .  .  .  And  yet,  paradoxi- 
cally enough,  he  is  cheerful  rather  than 
bitter,  and  he  faces  death  for  his  coun- 
try in  great  battles  with  music-hall  jokes  on 
his  lips." 

Yes,  they  are  fine  at  the  front,  where  their 
importance  is  obvious;  nor  are  those  of  the 
more  privileged  class  any  less  fine,  there.  But 
at  home  we  have  got  into  a  rut  of  bad  condi- 
tions, and  so  into  an  apparent  lack  of  patriotism, 
for  which  the  blame  may  have  to  be  evenly 
distributed.  The  writer  quoted  above  sees 
faults  in  employers,  and  objects  to  the  workmen 
being  regarded  as  ''the  bad  boys  of  the  family, 
whom  it  is  always  safe  to  blame.  Whenever 
any  dispute  arises  between  them  and  their 
employers,  they  are  almost  invariably  regarded 
as  the  aggressors.  The  employer  who  insists 
that  war  shall  be  the  occasion  of  lower  real 
wages  and  larger  profits,  is  looked  on  as  a 
sensible  business  man.  The  worker  who 
demands  that  during  war-time  his  children's 
stomachs  shall  be  filled  at  least  as  usual,  is 
browbeaten  as  a  fellow  who  is  disturbing  the 
national  unity  and  interfering  with  the  supply 
of  necessary  things  to  his  brothers  in  the 
trenches.  The  employer  who  strikes  against 
giving  his  men  an  honest  wage  is  never  painted 
in  half  so  dark  colours.  And  yet  it  is  his 
refusal  to  pay  a  fair  wage  which  has  again  and 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  175 

again  in  recent  months  held  up  the  work  of  the 


war." 


The  evil,  whatever  it  is — the  root  of  the  so- 
called  conflict  between  Capital  and  Labour — is 
not  that  of  one  nation,  but  of  civilized  humanity. 
What  then  is  the  remedy? 

One  remedy  is  militarism.  Let  the  worker 
be  dragooned  and  disciplined  into  habitual 
obedience  till  he  becomes  docile,  asks  no  ques- 
tions, and  does  not  cultivate  a  soul;  then  he 
will  be  useful  to  the  State.  And  the  Capitalist 
class — let  them  be  disciplined  and  docile  too. 
The  State  will  then  be  supreme;  and  provided 
other  nations  live  a  slacker  kind  of  existence, 
it  will  acquire  a  world-dominance  and  be  able 
to  impose  its  will  upon  them  all ; — that  is  the 
ideal  condition  from  the  German  point  of  view. 
What  an  ideal! 

"It  may,  however,  be  said — in  view  of  our 
present  industrial  conditions,  and  the  low 
standard  of  physical  health  and  vitality  pre- 
vailing among  the  young  folk  of  our  large 
towns — that  physical  drill  and  scout  training, 
including  ambulance  and  other  work  and  quali- 
fication in  some  useful  trade,  might  very  well  be 
made  a  part  of  our  general  educational  system, 
for  rich  and  poor  alike,  say  between  the  ages 
of  sixteen  and  eighteen.  Such  a  training 
would  to  each  individual  boy  be  immensely 
valuable,  and  by  providing  some  rudimen- 
tary understanding  of  military  affairs  and 
the  duties  of  public  service  and  citizenship 
would  enable  him  to  choose  how  he  could  be 
helpful  to  the  nation, — provided  always  he  were 
not  forced  to  make  his  choice  in  a  direction 


176  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

distasteful  or  repugnant  to  him.  In  any  good 
cause,  as  in  a  war  of  defence  against  a  foreign 
enemy,  it  is  obvious  enough  that  there  would 
then  be  plenty  of  native  enthusiasm  forthcoming 
without  legal  or  official  pressure."  So  says 
Edward  Carpenter. 

Something  of  this  sort  has  now  in  emergency 
been  organized  at  Liverpool  by  the  admirable 
efforts  of  Lord  Derby,  and  unloaders  of  ships 
have  been  made  to  feel  the  real  usefulness  of 
their  labour  by  being  put  into  khaki. 

"For  years  attention  has  been  called  to  the 
peculiarly  unsatisfactory  and  demoralizing  posi- 
tion of  the  casual  dock  labourer.  Now  at  one 
blow  he  is  to  be  given  the  status,  the  pay,  and 
the  security  of  a  public  servant.  The  form  of 
organization  is  obviously  exceptional  and  tem- 
porary, devised  to  meet  exceptional  and  temporary 
circumstances,  but  if  the  experiment  is  successful 
it  will  have  proved  that  organization  is  possible, 
and  that  the  great  problem  of  casual  labour,  the 
most  fertile  perhaps  of  all  sources  of  poverty 
and  social  degradation,  is  quite  capable  of  solu- 
tion." 

How  far  from  a  happy  condition  of  things 
we  have  been,  in  normal  times,  the  writings  of 
socialists  and  the  songs  of  our  poets  make 
manifest.  The  mean  streets  and  sordid  sur- 
roundings amid  which  masses  dwell — in  spring 
time  and  harvest  and  all  the  year  round,  in  this 
age  of  large  cities  and  mercantile  prosperity — 
these  evil  conditions,  so  alien  to  the  merry 
England  and  smiling  countryside  of  our  less 
prosperous  days,  are  having  their  due  effect,  and 
leave  visible  traces  on  both  the  body  and  the 


INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS  177 

soul  of  the  modern  craftsman.  William  Morris's 
lyric  which  records  the  "Message  of  the  March 
Wind"  is  not  the  less  exquisite  a  poem  because 
it  is  a  trenchant,  even  a  practical  "criticism  of 
life": 

Hark !  the  March  wind  again  of  a  people  is  telling 
Of  the  life  that  they  live  there,  so  haggard  and  grim, 

That  if  we  and  our  love  amidst  them  had  been  dwelling 
My  fondness  had  faltered,  thy  beauty  grown  dim. 

This  land  we  have  loved  in  our  love  and  our  leisure 
For  them  hangs  in  heaven,  high  out  of  their  reach ; 

The  wide  hills  o'er  the  sea-plain  for  them  have  no  pleasure, 
The  grey  homes  of  their  fathers  no  story  to  teach. 

The  singers  have  sung  and  the  builders  have  builded, 
The  painters  have  fashioned  their  tales  of  delight; 

For  what  and  for  whom  hath  the  world's  book  been  gilded, 
When  all  is  for  these  but  the  blackness  of  night? 

How  long,  and  for  what  is  their  patience  abiding? 

How  oft  and  how  oft  shall  their  story  be  told? 
While  the  hope  that  none  seeketh  in  darkness  is  hiding, 

And  in  grief  and  in  sorrow  the  world  groweth  old? 


CHAPTER  XXII 

SOCIAL    REFORM 
GOD  SAVE  THE  PEOPLE 

THE  following  extract  shows  the  way  in 
which  enlightened  manufacturers  regard 
their  relations  to  their  workpeople: — 
"We  must  not  forget  that,  fortunately,  the 
wage-earners  in  this  country  are  steadily  be- 
coming better  educated,  and  acquiring  a  more 
intelligent  appreciation  of  the  industrial  system 
and  of  their  place  in  it.  They  think  with  truth 
that  in  the  past  they  have  not  had  a  fair  share 
either  in  wealth  or  leisure  of  the  immense  gain 
that  has  been  made  through  the  progress  of 
science  and  invention.  But  this  is  not  the  only 
cause  of  the  industrial  unrest.  They  want — 
and  surely  this  is  a  very  legitimate  demand! — 
more  control  over  their  own  lives.  The  problem 
of  the  future,  which  the  capitalist  classes  have 
to  meet,  is  in  the  first  place  a  wider  and  more 
equitable  distribution  of  wealth  and  leisure;  and 
in  the  second,  to  devise  some  method  by  which 
the  workers  can  have  some  share  in  the  control 
of  the  industry  in  which  they  are  engaged"  (Ed- 
ward Cadbury  on  "Scientific  Management  in 
Industry"). 

The  first  step  towards  reform — dissatisfaction 

178 


SOCIAL  REFORM  179 

with  present  conditions — has  probably  been 
already  taken;  the  second  step,  which  will  be 
taken  as  soon  as  wage-earners  get  better  edu- 
cated, is  to  begin  to  look  forward  and  make 
provision  for  the  future  and  acquire  a  stake  in 
the  country  and  an  outlook  much  wider  than 
any  they  possess  at  present.  Since  they  con- 
stitute the  majority  of  the  human  race,  this 
is  surely  a  good  thing  and  one  worthy  of  en- 
couragement from  every  humane  point  of  view. 

Consider  therefore  the  causes  which  on  the 
whole  at  present  tend  to  keep  masses  of 
humanity  down  at  a  lower  level  than  they  need 
occupy. 

One,  and  I  believe  rather  a  potent  one,  is 
their  hand-to-mouth  thriftless  style  of  living:  a 
possible  cause,  and  at  the  same  time  a  certain 
consequence,  of  the  floating  labour  market  and 
the  system  of  the  weekly  wage. 

THRIFT 

The  precariousness  and  insecurity  of  tenure 
associated  with  the  weekly-wage  system,  and 
the  habit,  so  difficult  to  eradicate,  of  spending 
each  week's  earnings  before  the  next  is  received, 
are  destructive  of  foresight,  thrift,  and  responsi- 
bility, in  all  except  the  strongest  characters.  The 
system  is  bound  to  induce  happy-go-lucky  irres- 
ponsible light-heartedness,  which,  though  in  itself 
not  without  merit  in  times  of  health  and  pros- 
perity, affords  very  little  foot-hold  and  is  no 
sort  of  stand-by  in  times  of  sickness,  unemploy- 
ment, or  distress.  That  such  a  system  can  retain 
its  hold  on  workers,  when  they  have  had 


180  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

experience  of  the  fluctuation  of  trade  and  the 
uncertainties  of  employment,  is  very  remark- 
able; and  until  it  can  be  changed  so  that  the 
working  classes  exercise  some  sort  of  forethought 
and  prudential  care — such  as  is  characteristic 
of  the  classes  immediately  above  them — so  long 
they  will  be  liable  to  periods  of  acute  distress,  and 
will  be  more  or  less  at  the  mercy  of  the  exceptional 
self-seeking  Capitalist. 

It  is  true  that  they  possess  the  weapon  of  the 
Strike,  but  it  is  a  weapon  very  injurious  to  the 
Nation  and  very  sharp-edged  in  the  handle  to 
those  who  use  it;  in  fact  it  is  a  weapon  without 
a  handle,  and  cannot  be  clutched  without  pain 
and  injury.  Moreover  readiness  for  warfare 
is  no  substitute  for  provident  arrangements 
whereby  they  could  set  aside  sufficient  to  tide 
them  over  difficult  periods. 

Since  the  ultimate  object  of  all  industry  can 
only  be  a  richer  and  fuller  human  life — though 
that  is  too  infrequently  remembered, — and  since 
self-respect  or  personal  dignity  is  a  contributory 
asset  to  such  a  life,  it  follows  that  whatever  the 
State  can  do  to  encourage  thrift  should  be 
done. 

There  would  be  no  harm  in  receiving  pay- 
ment week  by  week,  if  it  were  not  necessarily 
spent  week  by  week,  and  if  an  amount  were 
always  stored  so  as  to  secure  the  necessary 
independence.  The  practical  difficulty  of  saving 
small  sums  is  however  not  insignificant.  To 
put  money  into  any  Benefit  or  Building  Society 
which  becomes  insolvent,  is  not  only  ruinous 
to  a  few  individuals,  but  is  discouraging  to  any 
nascent  spirit  of  saving  in  the  Nation.  Failures 


SOCIAL  REFORM  181 

of  that  kind,  which  at  one  time  were  too  fre- 
quent,   must    be    held    responsible    for    a    great 
deal    of    evil.      And    though     supervision     and 
better   management  have  put   such   Societies   on 
a  much  sounder  basis,   the  benefits  they  confer, 
and  the  freedom  of  their  members,  are  limited. 
They    do    not    fully,    though    they    do    partially, 
supply  the  need  of  an   easily  managed  banking 
account.     Cash   in   the   pocket   involves    tempta- 
tions  greatly   in   excess   of   cash   at   the    Bank; 
but  what  bank  is  there  that  will  take  workmen's 
savings?      There    used    to    be    the    Provincial 
Savings    Bank,    with    Government    security    and 
three   per    cent   interest;    every    complete    thirty- 
three    shillings    deposited    earning    an    interest 
of  a  penny  a  month.     In  my  youth  I  was  one  of 
the  Trustees  of  such  a  Savings  Bank  at  Hanley. 
It  was  open  only  for  a  few  hours  twice  a  week, 
Saturday   afternoon   and    Monday   evening;    and 
the  Trustees   used  to   attend  in   rotation,   along 
with  a  paid  official,   either  to  receive  the  sums 
brought  by  small  depositors  on  Saturday  or  to 
pay   them   out   as   well   as   receive   on   Monday. 
I    remember    the    inconvenience    and    delay    to 
which   those   who   came    (mostly   women)    were 
subjected.     They  received  tickets   from  a  porter 
as    they    entered,    giving    them    their    place    on 
a  bench,  where  they  sat  after  the  manner  of  a 
queue  until  their  turn  came   for  admission   into 
the    counting-house,    whence,    after    transacting 
their  business,  they  went  away  through  another 
door.     It  was   slow  and  tedious   work,   and  the 
patience    with    which    they   put   up    with    it    im- 
pressed me,  especially  when   (as  sometimes  hap- 
pened)   either    the    paid    official    or    the    trustee 


182  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

happened  to  be  late.  But  what  impressed  me 
also  was  the  small  maximum  of  deposit 
allowed;  for  more  than  once  I  heard  a  man 
told  that  he  must  take  the  money  out,  or  that 
no  more  could  be  received,  as  it  had  reached 
the  maximum.  They  used  sometimes  to  ask  in 
despair  where  they  were  to  put  it,  but  on  that 
question  it  was  a  responsible  matter  to  offer  sound 
advice. 

Nowadays  the  Post  Office  Savings  Bank 
system  no  doubt  diminishes  a  great  many  of 
the  mere  inconveniences;  but  still  the  total  that 
can  thus  be  saved  is  strictly  limited  to  £200; 
with  a  maximum  of  fifty  pounds  deposit  in 
any  one  year.  I  suppose  that  the  restriction 
is  insisted  on  in  order  to  avoid  competition  with 
ordinary  banks;  but  surely  those  have  plenty 
to  do  in  connection  with  large  affairs.  The 
retention  of  small  savings  with  absolute  security 
is  so  vital  to  the  interests  of  the  Country  that  I 
cannot  but  feel  that  the  maximum  ought  to 
be  abolished,  and  every  other  encouragement 
given  to  easy  saving  by  the  people — not  for 
sickness  only,  as  by  a  scheme  of  insurance; 
still  less  by  any  compulsory  method;  but  as 
a  part  of  the  education  of  the  Country  towards 
foresight  and  towards  civic  and  family  responsi- 
bility.1 It  seems  to  me  that  a  change  of  habit 
of  that  kind  would  do  more  to  diminish  the 
drink  evil,  and  other  kinds  of  extravagance, 

1  The  recent  opening  of  an  unlimited  Fund  with  perfect 
security,  to  small  investors,  is  therefore  an  event  of  the  ut- 
most significance;  and  if  the  War  Loan  be  continued,  in 
principle,  into  peace  time,  it  will  have  a  vast  influence  on  the 
true  prosperity  of  the  country. 


SOCIAL  REFORM  183 

than  any  more  direct  and  prohibitive  measure. 
It  is  always  indirect  methods  that  are  the  most 
efficacious;  not  mere  mechanical  negative  pro- 
hibition, but  real  positive  strengthening  of 
character  and  improvement  of  the  outlook  on 
life. 

And  while  thus  incidentally  touching  on  the 
drink  question, — surely  indirect  methods  are  the 
best  mode  of  dealing  with  that.  Temperance 
by  forcible  suppression  is  worth  very  little  com- 
pared with  temperance  in  the  interests  of  frugality 
and  self-respect.  Once  cultivate  a  sense 
of  human  dignity, — and  drunkenness  becomes 
impossible. 

But  if  this  is  too  long  a  process — though  with 
national  education  it  need  not  be  so  long  under 
a  rational  social  system, — then  there  are  other 
indirect  methods  which  may  be  employed.  As 
to  their  merits  I  am  incompetent  to  judge;  but 
I  quote  here  the  advice  of  Mr.  Robert  Blatch- 
ford,  who  on  such  a  matter  must  be  well  worth 
listening  to: — 

"The  remedy  for  all  these  evils  is  State  control 
of  the  drink  traffic.  All  distilleries  and  breweries 
should  be  Government  concerns.  All  'places 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Act'  should  be  State 
owned.  The  drink  quick  and  drink  often,  ugly, 
vulgar,  or  blatant  'inns/  'hotels/  'pubs/  and 
gin-palaces,  should  be  abolished,  and  good  hotels 
and  cafes  should  be  opened  in  their  place.  If 
that  were  done  there  would  be  no  need  for 
prohibition." 

We  may  well  agree  with  Milton  when  he 
says : — 

"  'And  were  I  .-the  chooser,  a  dram  of  well- 


184.  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

doing  should  be  preferred  before  many  times 
as  much  forcible  hindrance  of  evil  doing.  For 
God  sure  esteems  the  growth  and  completing 
of  one  virtuous  person  more  than  the  restraint 
of  ten  vicious.' ' 

Oh  if  only  we  had  wisdom  enough  to  take 
hold  of  social  evils  at  their  roots,  and  not  be 
merely  trying  to  lop  off  their  excrescences  and 
prune  them  into  some  sort  of  conformity!  It 
is  not  militarism  alone  that  we  are  now  engaged 
in  fighting. 

"We  really  are  fighting  all  together  for  a 
new  and  better  state  of  existence.  And  we 
may  surely  hope — even  those  who  have  but 
small  confidence — that  some  of  its  results  appear 
already.  In  nearly  all  countries  engaged  in 
the  war  we  see  a  process  of  regeneration  going 
on.  .  .  .  Russia  has  renounced  drink,  is  ac- 
quiring initiative,  conquering  that  national 
apathy  which,  more  than  anything  else,  barred 
her  on  the  road  towards  progress  and  freedom. 
France  is  pulling  herself  together,  reintegrating, 
regaining  self-control.  Germany  is  completing 
her  fusion  into  unity,  breaking  up  from  within 
those  demarcations  of  caste  and  calling  which 
have  handicapped  so  much  her  free  evolution, 
and  learning  in  the  school  of  sacrifice  to  distin- 
guish between  true  and  false  ideals."  So  says 
Count  Hermann  Keyserling,  in  the  Hibbert 
Journal,  and  we  may  at  all  events  hope  that  he 
is  right. 

And  what  is  England  doing?  It  must  be 
preparing  to  do  something  in  the  way  of  na- 
tional reform.  As  yet  it  has  not  begun. 
We  are  a  long  way  from  the  idea  that  daily 


SOCIAL  REFORM  185 

work  may  be  a  joy;  like  that  felt  by  William 
Morris, — 

To-morrow's  uprising  to  deeds  shall  be  sweet. 

We  are  not  yet  up  to  the  standard  of  past 
centuries  in  recognizing  and  upholding  the 
pleasure  and  dignity  of  labour. 

"Think  what  this  meant  to  the  worker:  think 
what  it  meant  to  him  when  his  work  exercised 
and  developed,  not  his  manual  skill  only,  but  his 
best  faculties — intellectual,  imaginative,  inventive. 
I  have  heard  people  wonder  why  England  in 
those  days  was  called  Merrie  England?  It  was 
because  the  labour  of  the  nation — which  after  all 
is  the  nation's  chief  concern  and  most  absorbing 
occupation — was  itself  a  source  of  pleasure  and 
of  pride."1 

There  was  a  time — the  time  of  the  Guilds 
of  industry — when  the  worker  took  joy  in  his 
work,  when  he  had  initiative,  and  could  con- 
struct things  of  beauty.  This  was  the  era  of 
the  Gothic  cathedrals.  Work  was  done  then 
that  was  worth  living  for. 

It  has  become  a  very  serious  question,  whether 
England  possesses  a  soul  now  as  it  did  in  the 
past.  Industrialism  has  sadly  interfered  with 
Art,  and  the  modern  method  of  putting  out  a 
contract  to  the  lowest  tender  is  not  likely  to 
result  in  the  building  of  cathedrals  or  any  other 
object  of  beauty. 

The  lack  of  joy  in  work  is  deprecated  even 
by  those  who  rejoice  in  the  Forth  Bridge  kind 

1  Mr.  Lisle  March-Phillips,  in  a  paper  read  before  the 
Peasant  Art  Fellowship. 


186  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

of  structure  that  we  do  make  and  make  well; 
so  it  is  in  no  way  surprising  that  persons  of 
taste  and  culture  should  lament  the  deca- 
dence of  works  of  art,  and  the  fall  in  the 
status  and  conditions  of  labour,  since,  let  us 
say,  the  twelfth  century,  when  individual  resource 
and  prowess  had  more  scope,  and  when  handi- 
craft had  a  soul. 

A  writer  in  the  Hibbert  Journal  for  April 
1915  says,— 

"Wiser  generations,  yet  unborn,  will  surely 
look  back  with  wonder  upon  the  ugly  experi- 
ment of  mechanical  industrialism.  From  the 
very  first  it  was  patent  that  the  freedom  it 
promised  hung  chains  about  the  many;  and 
yet  it  was  quickly  accepted  and  riveted  upon 
the  world's  comparatively  free  life,  with  almost 
universal  approval.  To  dub  it  'progress'  was 
sufficient  to  secure  a  submission  fatal  as  that 
we  criticize  in  the  Germans  to-day:  the  sub- 
mission of  the  romantic,  peasant-filled,  kindly 
Germany  of  the  ancient  towns  and  the  fairy- 
haunted  Christmas-tree  forests,  to  the  prosaic 
power  and  plans  of  Prussia!" 

Germany  has  gone  farther  in  this  decadence 
than  we  have,  has  gone  farther  and  fared  worse. 
It  is  not  content  with  being,  like  ourselves,  com- 
paratively unable  to  produce, — it  rejoices  in  having 
the  power  actively  to  destroy. 

But  unless  these  works  are  renewed,  time  will 
destroy  them,  only  more  slowly.  And  that  we 
are  powerless  to  prevent;  for  under  present  con- 
ditions we  cannot  renew  them,  we  can  only 
deceptively  restore. 

"It    is    probably    true    that    we    should    not 


SOCIAL  REFORM  187 

bring  up  big  guns  against  Gothic  cathedrals ; 
but  we  are  not  wholly  clean  of  such  crimes, 
for  all  that.  As  complacent  units  in  modern 
industrial  civilization  we  are  all  bearing  a  hand 
in  the  black  miracle — the  exact  antithesis  to 
the  Christian  making  and  mending  miracle — 
the  black  miracle  of  undoing.  Krupp  guns 
may  destroy  the  glory  of  Rheims  Cathedral  in 
a  few  days:  the  destructive  method  for 
which  we  are  partly  responsible  is  slower  but 
surer.  Our  modern  civilization,  built  up  on 
mechanical  industrialism  (or,  it  were  truer  to 
say,  imprisoned  within\  it,  ensnared  at  every 
turn  in  its  barbed  wire  entanglements),  has 
been,  throughout  its  whole  devastating  era, 
whittling  away  or  corrupting  those  very  powers 
in  the  race  which  made  a  Rheims  Cathedral 
possible. 

"There  can  be  no  doubt — its  very  nature 
and  origin  prove  it — that  Gothic  art  was  a  source 
of  joy  to  the  population  of  the  country  and  a 
potent  influence  beautifying  and  ennobling  the 
life  of  the  whole  nation." 

In  those  days  it  appears  that  the  organizing 
Architect  was  himself  a  craftsman: — 

"All  members  of  all  handicrafts,  of  whatever 
kind,  were  united  in  brotherhoods,  and  these 
brotherhoods  were  the  depositaries  of  all  know- 
ledge in  regard  to  that  craft,  and  the  only 
authorities  on  the  right  methods  of  work. 
There  was  no  outside  dictation.  Labour, 
skilled  and  disciplined  and  organized,  found 
out  the  best  way  of  doing  things,  and  did 
them.  .  .  . 

"There   is  something  extraordinarily  imposing 


188  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

in  these  mediaeval  brotherhoods  of  workmen,  in 
the  wisdom  and  sagacity  of  their  laws,  in  their 
firmness  and  moderation,  in  the  proud  independ- 
ence of  their  attitude." 

Let  us  hope  that  something  of  this  kind 
will  emerge  from  the  ashes  of  this  shocking 
contest,  and  that  a  brotherhood  feeling  may 
once  again  rise  among  all  the  workers  and 
contributors  to  noble  works  of  Art.  It  may 
now,  with  greater  facilities  of  intercourse,  easily 
become  an  international  feeling,  and  may 
include  the  workers  even  of  the  enemy;  for 
among  us — save  when  exasperated  by  inhuman 
atrocities — fellow-feeling  for  them  has  never 
really  ceased. 

The  party  calling  itself  the  Independent  Labour 
Party  has  made  serious  mistakes  in  policy,  its 
heart  is  stronger  than  its  head,  and  its  atti- 
tude in  some  respects  has  been  deplorable;  but 
it  is  eagerly  anxious  for  the  right,  and  although 
friendly  feeling  across  the  breach  is  hardly 
reciprocated  at  the  present  time,  it  is  some- 
thing to  feel  that  on  our  side  at  least  it  is 
as  vivid  as  ever.  Apart  from  any  mere  party 
significance  which  may  be  foisted  into  it,  a  re- 
cent manifesto  of  this  party  may  on  this  ground 
be  welcomed; — 

"We  hail  our  working-class  comrades  of 
every  land.  Across  the  roar  of  guns  we  send 
greeting  to  the  German  Socialists.  They  have 
laboured  unceasingly  to  promote  good  relations 
with  Britain,  as  we  with  Germany.  They  are 
no  enemies  of  ours,  but  faithful  friends.  In 
forcing  this  appalling  crime  upon  the  nations,  it 
is  the  rulers,  the  diplomats,  the  militarists,  who 


SOCIAL  REFORM  189 

have  sealed  their  doom.  In  tears  and  blood  and 
bitterness  the  greater  Democracy  will  be  born. 
With  steadfast  faith  we  greet  the  future;  our 
cause  is  holy  and  imperishable,  and  the  labour 
of  our  hands  has  not  been  in  vain." 

But  who  shall  so  forecast  the  years 
And  find  in  loss  a  gain  to  match? 
Or  reach  a  hand  thro'  time  to  catch 

The  far-off  interest  of  tears? 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE 

SOME  years  ago  it  seemed  to  be  thought 
that  any  one  who  considered  the  welfare 
of  other  nations  as  well  as  his  own  was  no 
true  patriot.  Fortunately  the  present  state  of 
things  must  put  an  end  to  that  selfish  and 
shortsighted  provincialism.  Even  a  nation  is 
not  an  end  in  itself;  and  the  wide  area  of 
the  present  calamity,  and  the  number  of  nations 
which  have  been  drawn  into  it,  are  a  sign  of 
the  progress  that  has  been  already  made 
towards  union.  Honourable  behaviour  of  a  na- 
tional kind  has  also  received  a  stimulus,  if  only 
from  the  utter  disgust  which  conspicuous  and 
flagrant  dishonour  has  aroused. 

The  intercourse  between  man  and  man,  even 
in  the  competitive  scheme  known  as  business, 
is  governed  on  the  whole  by  considerations  of 
personal  honour;  though  it  is  admittedly  a  little 
hard  sometimes,  especially  for  an  inexperienced 
novice  in  commerce,  to  know  what  will  be  con- 
sidered honourable  or  otherwise.  But  though 
there  may  be  a  difficulty  in  drawing  the  line,  and 
though  it  is  in  some  places  rather  perilously  elastic, 
there  is  no  doubt  at  all  that  a  man  who  distinctly 
oversteps  it  and  over-reaches  his  neighbour  by 
sharp  practice  is  stigmatized  as  dishonourable; 

190 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  191 

and  it  is  further  recognized  that,  on  the  whole, 
honourable  behaviour  pays  better  than  the 
reverse. 

Complexity  of  scheming,  or  shall  we  say 
duplicity,  is  not  appreciated;  it  is  universally 
condemned  as  double  dealing.  A  certain  kind 
of  strong  simplicity  is  favourably  regarded  and 
exerts  a  beneficent  influence.  Single-mindedness 
—simplicity — the  opposite  of  duplicity — is  on  the 
whole  what  we  aim  at. 

But  unfortunately  the  intercourse  between 
nations  is  sometimes  otherwise  conducted.  The 
kind  of  Diplomacy  illustrated  on  page  69  and 
confessed  by  our  foes  is  mere  Duplicity.  Secret 
treaties,  spying  information,  underhand  practices, 
and  over-reaching  methods,  are  among  the  methods 
of  diplomatic  intercourse.  So  long  as  this  goes 
on  international  business  is  conducted  under 
serious  difficulties;  and  if  only  single-mindedness 
and  simplicity  could  be  introduced  and  accepted 
as  the  traditional  method — to  depart  from  which 
would  be  dishonourable — how  vast  would  be  the 
improvement!  The  change  is  bound  to  come  in 
time — we  cannot  go  on  always  as  at  present, — 
and  Sir  Edward  Grey's  fine  example  affords  hope 
for  the  future. 

We  are  all  parts  of  humanity,  and  if  one 
member  suffer,  all  others  suffer  with  it.  Fair 
dealing  is  becoming  the  essence  of  prosperity  in 
business.  Fair  dealing  between  nation  and  na- 
tion will  conduce  to  the  prosperity  as  well  as  to 
the  peace  of  the  world. 

To  see  a  nation  disregard  its  obligations,  tear 
up  its  treaties,  and  spread  abroad  stupid  and 
malicious  lies,  is  no  joy  to  the  rest  of  the  world 


192  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

— not  even  to  its  enemies.  It  is  a  grief  and  a 
humiliation,  an  insult  to  humanity.  There  would 
be  a  kind  of  stern  joy  in  meeting  an  honourable 
foe — one  with  whom  at  the  conclusion  of  strife 
we  could  shake  hands  heartily  across  the  battle- 
fields and  welcome  back  with  brotherly  love. 

But  now,  alas!  where  is  the  honour  of  our 
foe?  Even  in  his  own  eyes  the  word  must  have 
become  despicable. 

"The  word  'honour'  when  applied  to  a 
nation  is  sometimes  used  in  a  sense  almost 
opposite  to  the  'honour'  of  an  individual.  An 
honourable  man  is  one  who  declines  to  take 
any  advantage  of  his  neighbour,  either  by 
violence,  legality,  or  deceit,  and  seeks  to  set 
right  any  financial  advantage  he  may  have 
improperly  or  accidentally  gained.  A  secret 
treaty  with  one  neighbour  against  the  interests 
of  another  would  not  be  made  by  an  honour- 
able man;  while  the  repudiation  of  his  cove- 
nant or  cynical  breaking  of  his  given  word  is 
unthinkable.  But  between  nation  and  nation 
we  had  all,  more  or  less,  been  labouring  under 
the  delusion  that  there  is  a  genuine  divergence 
of  interests,  and  that  prosperity  of  one  nation 
depends  on  the  ruin  of  others:  whereas  if 
any  permanent  settlement  is  to  be  reached  we 
must  escape  from  this  delusion  and  learn  to 
see  more  clearly  a  common  goal  for  the  human 
race." 

"The  man  who  feels  no  regret  for  the  ruined 
honour  of  other  nations,  must  be  poor  in 
sympathy  for  the  honour  of  his  own  country." 

Seen  with  far-sighted  vision  our  country's 
real  interests  are  not  the  selfish  considerations 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  193 

which  ordinarily  go  by  that  name,  any  more 
than  they  are  so  for  an  individual:  there  are 
times  when  it  is  our  duty  to  lend  a  helping 
hand,  even  at  some  risk  to  ourselves.  For 
instance — as  Mrs.  Browning  says, — "non-inter- 
vention in  the  affairs  of  neighbouring  States 
is  a  high  political  virtue;  but  non-inter- 
ference does  not  mean  passing  by  on  the  other 
side  when  your  neighbour  falls  among  thieves. 
.  .  '.  If  patriotism  be  a  virtue  indeed,  it 
cannot  mean  an  exclusive  devotion  to  our 
country's  interests,  for  that  is  only  another  form 
of  devotion  to  personal  interests,  family  interests, 
or  provincial  interests,  all  of  which,  if  not  driven 
past  themselves,  are  vulgar  and  immoral  ob- 
jects." 

The  more  the  nations  co-operate,  the  stronger 
the  feeling  of  nationality.  That  is  indeed  an 
instrument  without  which  our  conjoint  effort 
would  be  much  weakened.  Let  us  always  stand 
up  for  the  integrity  of  the  smaller  nations. 

The  more  the  nations  co-operate,  the  stronger 
and  happier  will  humanity  become.  Together 
we  have  to  strive  for  the  mastery  over  Nature, 
for  the  overcoming  of  disease,  for  the  better 
education  of  the  race,  for  the  triumph  of  mind 
over  matter  and  of  soul  over  body.  In  this 
we  must  give  each  other  all  the  help  and  en- 
couragement we  can.  The  task  is  hard  enough 
without  fratricidal  strife. 

"Nationality  is  sacred  to  me,"  said  Mazzini, 
"because  I  see  in  it  the  instrument  of  labour 
for  the  good  and  progress  of  all  men."  Mazzini 
based  his  love  of  country  on  the  faith  that  the 
claims  of  humanity  come  first,  and  that  a 


194  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

country  is  false  to  itself  if  it  does  not  keep  in 
view  the  good  of  all  mankind.  If  it  finds  its 
strength  in  the  weakness  of  another,  if  it  is 
indifferent  to  the  cause  of  struggling  nations,  it 
has  no  right  to  exist  as  a  nation.  "National 
life  and  international  life  should  be  the  two  mani- 
festations of  the  same  principle,  the  love  of 
good." 

The  apostrophe  of  Fichte,  quoted  at  the  end 
of  Chapter  I,  is  the  peroration  of  his  famous 
Address  to  the  German  Nation  which  he  issued 
in  1807  after  the  humiliation  inflicted  on 
Germany  by  Napoleon  at  the  beginning  of  last 
century.  It  was  a  summons  to  the  spirit  of 
Nationality. 

Nation  and  Country,  he  claims,  extend  far 
beyond  the  State.  For  ordinary  times  the  spirit 
of  civic  well-being  is  sufficient,  but  for  dis- 
turbed and  unprecedented  occasions  the  only  spirit 
that  can  be  put  at  the  helm  is  one  generated 
by  the  consuming  flame  of  the  higher  Patriotism, 
which  conceives  the  nation  as  the  embodiment 
of  the  eternal. 

Among  the  steps  that  can  be  taken  to  create 
that  spirit  he  looks  to  Education  as  the  means 
that  had  hitherto  been  overlooked.  He  knows 
that  the  Press  will  try  to  ridicule  a  spiritual 
weapon  of  that  kind,  but  he  says : 

"Perhaps  I  deceive  myself,  but  I  cannot  part 
with  it,  as  it  is  all  I  care  to  live  for, — I  hope 
to  convince  some  Germans  and  bring  them  to 
see  that  nothing  but  Education  can  rescue  us 
from  the  miseries  that  overwhelm  us." 

This   was   understood   by   the   German   people, 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  195 

and  on  the  obelisk  erected  in  his  honour  at  Berlin 
they  have  placed  this  inscription : — 

"The  Teachers  shall  shine  as  the  brightness 
of  the  firmament,  and  they  that  turn  many 
to  righteousness  as  the  stars  for  ever  and 
ever." 

So  his  nation  listened,  and  did  attend  to 
Education:  attended  to  it  more  thoroughly  than 
any  other  nation;  and  it  is  to  this  cause  that 
they  owe  their  real  progress  and  access  of 
power.  They  have  spoiled  it,  but  that  was  due 
to  the  defects  of  their  other  qualities.  They 
were  unable  to  divest  themselves  of  pedantry, 
they  were  earnest  and  accomplished  in  many 
good  directions,  but  their  learning  took  a  pon- 
derous and  unattractive  form,  and  they  inflicted 
a  mechanical  system  upon  their  youth.  Upon 
the  fly-leaf  of  one  of  their  text-books  the 
English  writer  "Bagshot"  is  said  to  have 
relieved  his  mind  by  writing  the  following 
diatribe : — 

"My  heart,"  he  writes,  "goes  out  to  the  un- 
happy German  youth  who  have  fallen  under  the 
yoke  of  this  horrible  pedant.  It  enrages  me 
to  think  of  him  and  a  hundred  like  him  let  loose 
on  a  country  to  turn  its  schools  and  universities 
into  gigantic  tool- factories  for  the  making  of 
human  implements.  To-morrow  I  will  start  for 
Germany  and  tell  this  man  to  his  face  that 
education  has  no  purpose  but  to  make  men 
philosophers.  He  will  not  understand  my  mean- 
ing, and  he  will  laugh  in  my  face,  but  happily 
there  are  some  people  in  Germany  who  do  under- 
stand, and  by  and  by  they  will  rise  up  and  slay 
these  pedants  and  save  their  country." 


196  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Well,  they  did  not  rise  in  time  to  save  their 
country,  though  perhaps  they  will  rise  now  to 
assist  its  recuperation.  But  the  worst  of  their 
failure  to  avoid  swamping  genuine  education 
with  Kultur,  is  that  it  will  tend  to  discredit 
education  itself — in  their  own  minds  and  in  the 
minds  of  other  nations. 

Yet  the  war  ought  to  show  us  how  intense 
is  the  need  for  better  and  higher  education 
among  the  governing  classes  of  this  country. 
I  do  not  specify  which  the  governing  classes 
really  are — that  may  be  differently  regarded — 
but  their  vast  ignorance  of  everything  relating 
to  science  is  admitted  on  all  hands — admitted 
without  shame  and  even  with  a  sort  of  bastard 
pride  by  most  of  those  who  may  be  called  GUI' 
governing  oligarchy.  Surely  we  shall  not  let 
science  continue  to  grub  along  like  a  sort  of 
Cinderella,  called  in  occasionally  when  housework 
has  to  be  done,  but  otherwise  left  to  sit  among 
the  ashes  and  brood. 

Men  of  science  are  usually  content  to  go  on 
with  their  studies  and  be  attended  to  only  when 
they  expound  some  fresh  discovery,  or  when 
some  of  their  inventions  come  into  practical  use. 
But  there  come  periods  when  the  nation's 
neglect  of  science,  and  mistrust  of  its  workers, 
lead  perilously  near  to  disaster.  At  those  times 
they  have  to  speak;  and  some  scientific  men 
are  speaking  now,  and  calling  attention  to  the 
momentous  contrast  in  this  respect  between  the 
enemy  nation  and  our  owrn.  Never  was  the 
parable  of  the  Unjust  Steward  so  illuminated  as 
it  is  to-day,  never  was  the  need  to  learn  from 
the  wisdom  of  this  world  more  forcibly  urged 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  197 

by  the  march  of  events.  Science  alone  is 
powerless  to  save  humanity,  but  science  neglected 
and  kept  in  the  background  may  help  to  ruin 
it.  Among  much  evil,  the  organized  pursuit  of 
science  and  development  of  its  application  has 
been  one  good;  and  to  it  the  strength  of  the 
German  nation,  for  better  for  worse,  is  largely 
due.  I  fear  that  Britain  has  not  learnt  that  full 
strength  yet.  Defect  of  soul  may  render  it  ulti- 
mately impotent,  but  in  itself  the  weapon  is  one 
of  power,  and  no  vice  need  be  inherent  in  its 
use. 

We  are  not  yet  awake  to  the  material  weak- 
ness of  our  position,  and  perhaps  it  would  be 
a  calamity  if  the  present  catastrophe  were  over 
before  this  lesson  had  been  driven  into  our 
brains. 

A  pittance  doled  out  by  Government  depart- 
ments, and  administered  with  rigid  economy, 
is  no  way  to  encourage  research.  Some  lavish- 
ness  is  necessary,  and  much  trust.  The  un- 
scrupluous  scientific  man  can  make  money  now: 
it  is  not  difficult,  if  you  are  ready  to  abandon 
the  high  ambition  of  youth  and  take  your  part 
in  the  world-scramble  on  its  own  terms.  But 
what  folly  it  is  to  throw  away  the  enthusiasm 
of  youth  as  if  it  were  of  no  value,  and  limit  the 
possibility  of  scientific  achievement  to  the  few 
hours  that  can  be  spared  from  the  effort  to 
earn  a  precarious  livelihood  by  teaching  and 
examining. 

The  only  way  to  bring  the  weakness  of  the 
present  position  home  to  people  in  general  is 
to  emphasize  the  side  of  the  applications  of 
science  to  industry  and  manufacture.  Every- 


198  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

thing  really  depends  on  research  for  its  own 
sake;  but  the  highest  genius  cannot  be  organized, 
it  can  only  be  maintained — fundamental  dis- 
coveries are  not  made  to  order.  But,  even  for 
pure  research,  material  means  must  be  forth- 
coming; and  it  is  only  when  a  Royal  Institution 
provides  the  laboratories,  or  when  family  accident 
renders  an  individual  what  is  called  "independent" 
— absurd  word, — that  a  Faraday  or  a  Cavendish 
becomes  possible.  Never  will  more  than  the  few 
realize  the  importance  of  pure  science;  but  its 
application  to  industry  ought  to  appeal  to  all, 
one  would  have  thought,  in  this  commercial  com- 
munity. But  no,  the  power  of  indirection  has  not 
yet  been  fully  grasped,  and  still  only  the  direct 
and  obvious  means  are  employed  by  most  of 
those  who  are  strenuously  trying  to  increase 
their  business. 

English  official  neglect  of  science  has  been 
a  byword  among  those  who  are  behind  the  scenes 
and  who  realize  what  might  be  done 
— what  in  fact  has  been  done  in  other 
countries. 

The  difference  between  German  thoroughness 
and  our  supineness  is  felt  in  many  sciences, 
but  it  is  felt  most  strongly  in  the  science  which 
owes  most  to  Germany — namejly  chemistry. 
Chemists  have  inveighed  against  the  dis- 
couragement offered  to  them  here,  compared 
with  opportunities  provided  for  chemical  re- 
search in  Germany,  and  have  pointed  to  the 
practical  and  commercial  results  and  conse- 
quences which  flow  from  this  difference — conse- 
quences which  are  now  being  bitterly  driven 
home.  A  recent  Address  to  the  Society  of 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  199 

Chemical  Industry  was  devoted  by  its  President, 
Professor  Frankland,  to  this  very  theme,  and  I 
shall  quote  a  few  extracts  so  as  to  illustrate  at 
first  hand  the  strong  feeling  which  throughout 
the  last  half -century  has  existed  among 
chemists : — 

"The  mischief  caused  through  the  neglect  of 
chemistry  by  practical  men  in  this  country  has 
been  so  subtle  that  to  a  large  extent  it  has 
remained  concealed  from  the  average  man  of 
intelligence  and  from  the  governmental  classes. 
.  .  .  The  systematic  neglect  of  chemical  science 
and  the  failure  by  manufacturers  to  utilize 
the  services  of  highly  qualified  chemists,  could 
only  lead  to  the  result  that  all  the  industries 
which  are  dependent  on  a  profound  knowledge 
of  chemistry  must  tend  to  disappear  from  our 
midst,  and  pass  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
are  prepared,  not  only  to  apply  new  chemical 
discoveries  to  industry,  but  even  to  prosecute 
the  most  varied  chemical  investigations  in  the 
hope  of  sooner  or  later  making  discoveries 
which  shall  be  of  advantage  to  their  commercial 
undertakings. 

"It  is  in  the  possession  of  such  schools  of 
research,  both  in  the  universities  and  in  the 
chemical  factories,  that  Germany  has  by  two 
generations  the  lead  of  all  other  countries  in  the 
world.  .  .  .  The  facts  which  I  have  brought 
forward  speak  for  themselves  and  proclaim  in 
the  most  convincing  manner  the  stupendous  pro- 
gress which  has  been  made  by  Germany  in  the 
chemical  industries  during  the  past  forty  years. 
...  If  the  chemical  industries  are  to  be  re- 
habilitated in  this  country,  there  must  be  a 


200  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

complete  change  in  the  attitude  of  mind  towards 
science  in  general,  and  towards  chemical  science 
in  particular,  amongst  the  influential  classes  of 
the  population;  and  it  will  certainly  not  be 
effected  by  following  the  precept  'business  as 
usual/  but  by  pursuing  a  policy  which  is  the 
exact  opposite  of  what  is  implied  by  that  vulgar 
and  undignified  phrase.  .  .  .  The  study  of 
chemistry  in  this  country  now  only  draws  those 
men  who  either  have  or  think  they  have  an 
overpowering  zeal  and  passion  for  the  science,  to 
which  they  devote  themselves  against  the  advice 
of  their  friends,  and  in  spite  of  the  warnings 
of  the  professors  of  chemistry  by  whom  they 
are  initiated." 

And  to  show  that  this  represents  no  indi- 
vidual opinion,  but  is  representative  of  those 
who  have  special  knowledge  on  the  subject,  here 
is  part  of  the  text  of  a  Memorial  presented  by 
the  Chemical  Society  to  the  Government  on  The 
Position  of  Chemical  Industries. 

"Though,  during  the  past  thirty  years,  there 
have  been  some  signs  of  progress  in  the  appli- 
cation of  science  to  the  chemical  manufactures 
of  the  country,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in 
this  respect  we  are  still  far  behind  several 
foreign  countries,  especially  Germany,  where 
it  has  been  fully  recognized  for  more  than 
half  a  century  that  'scientific  research  work, 
carried  out  in  the  laboratory,  is  the  soul  of  in- 
dustrial prosperity/ 

"As  representatives  of  chemical  science  we 
are  of  opinion  that  the  main  causes  of  the  back- 
ward condition  of  chemical  industry  in  this 
country  have  been: — 


EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE  201 

i.  The  defects  of  our  educational 
system  and  particularly  the  lack  of  recog- 
nition of  the  importance  of  research  as 
an  essential  part  of  the  training  of  the 
student  of  science. 

2..  The  want  of  scientific  knowledge 
on  the  part  of  the  community  at  large, 
especially  of  manufacturers,  and  the  non- 
appreciation  of  the  true  value  of  scientific 
research. 

3.  The    lack    of    organization   amongst 
various  chemical  and  allied  industries. 

4.  The  almost  total   want   of   sympathy 
and    co-operation    between    manufacturers 
and  workers  in  pure  science." 

Nevertheless,  as  Professor  Frankland  says: — 
"Notwithstanding  the  absence  of  material 
inducements,  I  venture  to  say  without  fear  of 
contradiction  that  there  is  more  original  investi- 
gation being  prosecuted  in  this  country  by 
chemists  than  by  any  other  body  of  British 
men  of  science;  and  this  I  attribute  to  the 
fact  that  such  a  large  proportion  of  our  number 
have  either  been  at  German  Universities  or 
are  the  pupils  of  those  who  have  been  at  these 
centres  of  research.  Nor  are  any  of  us,  I 
am  sure,  even  during  this  unfortunate  crisis, 
unmindful  of  the  hospitality  and  the  inspiration 
which  we  have  received  in  the  schools  of  the 
enemy." 

That  is  quite  true;  in  pure  science  we  have 
no  enemy.  Discoveries  once  made  are  open 
to  all;  and  all  are  co-operators  and  friends. 
A  wholesome  spirit  of  emulation  may  exist,  but 


202  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

that  is  very  different  from  ruthless  competition. 
The  feeling  of  co-workers  in  every  depart- 
ment of  knowledge  is  one  of  camaraderie  and 
friendship,  just  as  it  appears  to  be  beginning 
to  be  among  artisans.  The  present  miserable 
mania  has  interrupted  this  feeling  for  a  time, 
but  it  will  be  renewed  hereafter;  and  though 
indirect  in  its  effect,  there  is  no  feeling  more 
immediately  tending  towards  goodwill  and 
peace. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

PEACE    AND    DISARMAMENT 

DISARMAMENT  is  not  a  policy:  it  will 
be  a  consequence,  an  effect,  following  upon 
a  changed  spirit  in  humanity. 
"The  true  doctrine  of  peace  is  not  the 
Tolstoyan  gospel  of  non-resistance;  it  is, 
indeed,  its  very  negation.  It  is  no  part  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  pacifist  that  he  shall  place 
himself  at  the  mercy  of  the  militarist,  and  that 
in  his  very  endeavour  to  secure  peace  he  shall 
disarm  himself  whilst  the  militarist  is  preparing 
to  attack  him.  The  Utopian  says:  'Disarma- 
ment first,  conversion  afterwards/  Common- 
sense  and  sound  reason  reply:  'Such  a  policy 
would  be  suicidal.  Faith  must  precede  works. 
Let  the  world  be  first  converted,  and  disarma- 
ment must  needs  follow.'  .  .  .  Towards  that 
political  education  and  conversion  the  schools 
will  do — must  do — a  great  deal  in  the  future. 
They  are  doing  very  little  in  the  present.  At 
present  the  intellectual  training  of  the  schoolboy 
is  hopelessly  antiquated,  and  is  almost  entirely 
based  on  the  study  of  the  military  civilizations 
of  the  past.  The  mind  of  the  schoolboy  imbibes 
from  his  earliest  years  the  poison  of  militarism 
and  of  the  old  Imperialism.  In  ordinary  times 
he  only  learns  about  the  glamour  and  the 

203 


204  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

romance  of  the  wars  of  olden  days;  he  learns 
nothing  about  the  horrors  and  realities  of  war 
to-day."  So  said  Dr.  Sarolea  in  1912. 

He  also  said  that  the  Universities  were  doing 
at  present  little  more  than  the  schools;  and 
that  the  Churches  were  doing  least  of  all. 

If  we  wish  for  peace  we  must  prepare  for 
peace;  we  must  seek  peace  and  ensue  it — 
not  in  a  passive  non-resisting  manner  but  in  a 
very  active  and  energetic  and  strenuous 
way. 

"And  here  is  a  lesson  for  those  eager  pacifists 
who  try  to  make  us  love  peace  by  talking  of 
the  folly  and  horrors  of  war.  We  shall  only 
love  peace  when  we  have  made  it  worthy  of 
our  love.  Until  then  there  will  still  be  a  narrow 
truth  in  the  saying,  Si  vis  pacem,  para  bellum. 
But  that  must  give  way  to  the  greater  truth 
that  if  you  would  have  peace  you  must  make 
it  finer  than  war.  And  there  is  something 
to  be  learned  from  war,  from  its  discipline 
and  sacrifice  and  concord,  of  what  peace  ought 
to  be." 

Hear  Milton  on  this  subject: — 

"If  after  being  released  from  the  toils  of 
war,  you  neglect  the  arts  of  peace,  if  your 
peace  and  your  liberty  be  a  state  of  warfare, 
if  war  be  your  only  virtue,  the  summit  of  your 
praise,  you  will  soon  find  peace  most  adverse 
to  your  interests.  Your  peace  wrill  only  be  a 
more  distressing  war,  and  that  which  you 
imagined  liberty  will  prove  the  worst  of 
slavery." 

That  excellent  little  book  called  Thoughts  on 
the  War,  by  Mr.  Glutton-Brock,  contains  many 


PEACE  AND  DISARMAMENT  205 

excellent  passages,  one  or  two  of  which  I  should 
like  here  to  quote: — 

"War  does  us  this  good  at  least — that  it 
makes  us  suddenly  aware  of  the  difference 
between  a  gentleman  at  his  club  and  a  gentle- 
man in  the  trenches.  Beautiful  things  happen 
between  officers  and  men  when  the  British  Army 
is  at  war,  and  it  brings  the  tears  to  our  eyes 
to  hear  of  them.  But  it  is  not  enough  to  feel 
these  fine  emotions  and  because  of  them  to 
say  that  war  is  not  all  an  evil.  That  is  so  only 
if  war  teaches  us  how  to  make  a  finer  peace, 
and  one  that  will  cure  us  of  all  desire  for  war, — 
a  peace  in  which  gentlemen  will  prove  them- 
selves, as  these  officers  proved  themselves;  and 
if  they  do  not,  they  will  lose  the  name  of 
gentlemen.  In  war  there  is  a  chance  of  great 
adventures  for  all  men,  rich  and  poor,  and  the 
poorest  can  be  a  hero.  But  we  must  make  a 
peace  too  in  which  the  poorest  will  have  a 
chance  of  adventures  of  the  mind  and  spirit, 
and  in  which  all  men  will  know  that  these  are 
worth  more  than  riches  or  the  respect  now  given 
to  riches.  .  .  .  Peace  should  not  be  full  of 
aimlessness  and  stagnation,  but  of  purpose  and 
advance.  It  should  mean  an  order  like  that 
of  armies  in  the  field,  made  by  the  tie  between 
leaders  and  led,  the  tie  of  a  common  duty 
and  a  common  opportunity.  Then  war  would 
be  merely  a  distraction  from  that  purpose  and 
a  check  to  that  advance,  and  men  would  be  as 
impatient  of  it  as  if  it  were  a  noise  breaking 
in  upon  music. 

"We  speak  of  the  adventures  of  peace, 
adventures  of  the  mind  and  spirit.  Most  men 


206  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

know  so  little  of  these  that  to  them  the  artist, 
the  philosopher,  the  saint,  the  man  of  science, 
are  not  adventurers  at  all.  They  cannot  believe 
in  the  exultation  of  victory  where  there  is  no 
enemy,  in  the  thrill  of  discovery  where  there 
are  only  material  obstacles  to  overcome.  To 
them,  and  we  cannot  wonder  at  it,  work  is 
all  part  of  a  struggle  for  life  and  of  the  routine 
imposed  upon  men  by  that  struggle;  and  peace 
means  that  routine  unbroken  and  uninspired. 
They  may  try  to  escape  from  it  by  gambling, 
by  sport,  by  debauchery,  by  all  the  varieties  of 
what  we  are  pleased  to  call  pleasure,  and  finally 
by  war.  But  there  is  another  escape,  possible 
now  to  our  civilization,  with  its  new  command 
of  all  the  forces  of  Nature,  an  escape  into  the 
freedom  of  the  mind  which  art  and  thought 
and  religion  offer  to  us.  But  what  have  we  done 
yet  with  all  our  power  to  make  that  freedom 
possible  to  all?" 

"To  be  free,"  says  Milton,  "is  the  same  thing 
as  to  be  pious,  to  be  wise,  to  be  frugal  and 
abstinent,  to  be  temperate  and  just,  and  lastly, 
to  be  magnanimous  and  brave;  and  to  be  the 
opposite  of  these  is  to  be  a  slave." 

"How  can  we  have  time  for  war  among  our- 
selves when  there  is  infinity  before  us  to  be  felt 
and  probed  in  so  short  a  span  of  life,  when  we 
have  the  power  to  create  another  world  of  art 
with  all  the  hopes  and  desires  of  men  shaping 
it  and  sounding  through  it?" 

But  to  this  end  the  higher  and  more  real 
education  of  the  people  is  essential;  especially 
since  the  government  of  the  country  is  now  so 
largely  in  their  hands. 


PEACE  AND  DISARMAMENT  207 

"The  peoples  of  the  world  desire  peace," 
said  Bourtzeff,  the  Russian  exile — and  he,  who 
has  been  in  many  lands,  ought  to  know.  But 
they  also — if  they  would  obtain  peace — must 
exercise  an  eternal  vigilance  lest  they  fall  into 
the  hands  of  class-schemers  and  be  betrayed 
into  that  which  they  do  not  desire.  The 
example  of  Germany  shows  how  easily  a  good 
and  friendly  and  pacific  people  may  by  mere 
political  inattention  and  ignorance,  and  by 
a  quasi-scientific  philosophy  imposed  on  its  polit- 
ical ignorance,  be  led  into  a  disastrous  situation. 
It  shows  how  vitally  necessary  it  is  that  the 
people,  even  the  working  masses  and  the  peasants, 
should  have  some  sort  of  political  education  and 
understanding. 

The  power  of  political  thinking,  like  any 
other  power,  only  grows  by  exercise;  and  as 
Edward  Carpenter  says: — 

"Until  we  rise,  as  a  nation,  to  a  conception 
of  what  we  mean  by  our  national  life,  finer 
and  grander  than  a  mere  counting  of  trade-returns, 
what  can  we  expect  save  disaster  after  disaster 
to  bring  us  to  our  senses? 

"Possibly  in  the  conviction  that  she  is  fighting 
for  a  worthy  object  (the  end  of  militarism), 
and  in  the  determination  (if  sincerely  carried  out) 
of  once  more  playing  her  part  in  the  world  as 
the  protector  of  small  nations,  Britain  may  find 
her  salvation,  and  a  cause  which  will  save  her 
soul." 


CHAPTER  XXV 

NATIONAL   REARRANGEMENT 

We  beseech  Thee  to  give  to  all  nations  Unity,  Peace,  and 
Concord. 

FOR  the  general  public  to  make  up  its  mind 
concerning  details  of  national  rearrange- 
ment after  the  war  is  no  doubt  unpardonable 
and  futile;  and  yet  we  cannot  but  hope  for 
certain  changes,  and  can  hardly  refrain  from 
privately  thinking  over  them,  well  knowing  that 
our  meditations  carry  no  authority,  and  must  be 
modified — perhaps  extensively  modified — by  cir- 
cumstances. The  task  of  arrangement  will  be 
a  severe  one,  and  many  proposals  must  be  dis- 
cussed which  cannot  in  their  entirety  be  carried 
out.  What  we  may  all  legitimately  hope  is 
that  it  will  be  in  no  vengeful  spirit  that  this 
country  will  enter  into  the  negotiations — save 
for  the  insisting  on  just  punishment  for  actual 
crime.  But  that  accomplished,  the  right  of 
defeated  foes  to  live — and  not  only  to  live  but 
to  prosper,  subject  to  heavy  indemnities  for  the 
losses  they  have  inflicted  on  their  neighbours  by 
their  hideously  mistaken  policy — that  right  will, 
let  us  hope,  be  fully  recognized.  For  a  per- 
manent settlement  must  be  based  upon  public 
right. 

208 


NATIONAL  REARRANGEMENT  209 

Here  let  us  quote  the  eloquent  utterance  of 
the  Prime  Minister,  as  laying  down  a  general 
basis  of  settlement: — 

"The  idea  of  public  right,"  says  Mr.  Asquith, 
"what  does  it  mean  when  translated  into  con- 
crete terms?  It  means,  first  and  foremost,  the 
clearing  of  the  ground  by  the  definite  repudia- 
tion of  militarism  as  the  governing  factor  in 
the  relation  of  States,  and  in  the  future  mould- 
ing of  the  European  world.  It  means,  next, 
that  room  must  be  found  and  kept  for  the  in- 
dependent existence  and  the  free  development  of 
the  smaller  nationalities — each  with  a  corporate 
consciousness  of  its  own.  Belgium,  Holland, 
and  Switzerland,  and  the  Scandinavian  coun- 
tries, Greece,  and  the  Balkan  States,  must  be 
recognized  as  having  exactly  as  good  a  title  as 
their  more  powerful  neighbours — more  power- 
ful in  strength  as  in  wealth — exactly  as  good  a 
title  to  a  place  in  the  sun.  And  it  means, 
finally,  or  it  ought  to  mean,  perhaps  by  a 
slow  and  gradual  process,  the  substitution  for 
force,  for  the  clash  of  competing  ambition,  for 
grouping  and  alliances  and  a  precarious  equi- 
poise,— the  substitution  for  all  these  things  of  a 
real  European  partnership,  based  on  the  recog- 
nition of  equal  right  established  and  enforced  by 
a  common  will." 

Let  us  therefore,  who  agree  with  this  admir- 
able statement,  cultivate  as  far  as  possible  the 
idea  of  a  federation  of  European  nations — the 
recognition  of  common  interests,  without  com- 
mon jealousies  and  antagonisms — a  federation 
for  all  purposes,  both  peace  and  war.  Let  us 
have  fewer  languages  and  more  mutual  under- 


210  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

standing,  freer  mutual  interchange  of  commodi- 
ties; and  if  there  is  any  European  war  hence- 
forward, let  it  be  recognized  as  that  horrible 
evil,  civil  war.  Moreover,  in  order  to  give 
strength  and  solidity  to  the  federation,  let  every 
citizen  pass  through  a  period  of  disciplinary 
training  for  his  better  education  and  bodily 
development,  and  let  the  immense  reserve 
potential  army  thus  constituted  be  used  as  an 
international  police  to  see  that  henceforward  no 
one  misguided  nation,  under  some  ambitious  ruler 
or  set  of  rulers,  flouts  the  rest  of  humanity  and 
tries  to  set  itself  up  as  above  everything  human 
or  divine.  Let  it  be  a  police  force  able  to  carry 
out  the  dictates  of  international  law  with  a  strong 
and  resolute  hand;  but  let  it  jealously  guard  free- 
dom— the  freedom  even  of  revolt — and  only  come 
into  action  in  suppression  of  actual  crime.  And 
if  ever,  under  unwise  or  vicious  counsellors,  the 
British  Fleet  be  used  as  a  weapon  of  aggression 
and  domineering  insolence — which  God  forbid — 
then  let  Britain  be  made  to  suffer  by  the  rest 
of  the  civilized  world. 

The  reason  our  command  of  the  seas  has  been 
regarded  with  equanimity  is  because  we  only  use 
our  Fleet  to  keep  the  seas  open  and  trade  routes 
equally  free  to  all  nations.  Under  a  policy  of 
artificial  limitations,  invidious  Tariffs,  and 
restricted  commerce,  our  Fleet  might  possibly 
become  a  menace;  and  its  dominance  could  then 
be  properly  resented  by  any  nation  whose  com- 
mercial activities  it  tended  unfairly  to  restrain. 

Our  policy  should  surely  be  continually  to 
urge  the  advantage  of  Free  Trade  all  round. 
Let  every  country  produce  that  which  its 


NATIONAL  REARRANGEMENT 

economical  conditions  and  natural  aptitudes  best 
fit  it  for.  Freedom  in  such  matters  undoubtedly 
benefits  humanity  by  enabling  each  country  to 
develop  its  resources  to  the  uttermost,  whether 
assisted  by  foreign  enterprise  and  capital  and 
by  imported  labour,  or  otherwise.  And  let 
every  nation,  small  or  large,  develop  its  own 
genius  and  individuality,  free  from  any  attempt 
at  coercion  to  one  pattern:  let  it  have  full 
responsibility  for  its  own  errors,  and  credit  for  its 
own  successes. 

SMALL  NATIONS 

We  have  stood  up  for  the  small  nations;  we 
have  recognized  their  rights  and  their  value. 
The  British  Empire  is  already  a  federation  of 
friendly  nations,  and  the  independence  which 
ever  since  the  mistake  about  America  has  been 
granted  to  its  Colonies  has  been  more  than 
justified. 

We  must  see  to  it  that  a  country  nearer  home 
is  emancipated  too,  and  left  free  to  develop  its 
own  genius  without  mistrust  and  without  coer- 
cion. Ireland,  by  its  striking  loyalty,  as  well  as 
by  its  always  conspicuous  bravery,  has  earned 
its  modified  independence,  and  henceforth  must 
be  one  of  the  friendly  nations  in  the  British 
Empire. 

Consider  what  we  owe  to  the  small  nations — 
we  may  almost  say  that  to  them  is  due  the 
progress  of  the  world.  In  some  of  the  best 
epochs  in  history  all  nations  were  small;  com- 
munities which  produced  some  of  the  greatest 
of  mankind  were  no  more  than  cities.  Value 


212  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

in  spiritual  things  cannot  be  numerically  esti- 
mated; nor  has  numbering  the  people  always 
been  reckoned  a  judicious  act. 

Of  high  modern  examples  of  small  popula- 
tions Lord  Bryce  gives  the  following  historical 
summary : — 

"In  modern  Europe  what  do  we  not  owe  to 
little  Switzerland,  lighting  the  torch  of  freedom 
six  hundred  years  ago,  and  keeping  it  alight 
through  all  the  centuries  when  despotic  mon- 
archies held  the  rest  of  the  European  Continent? 
And  what  to  free  Holland,  with  her  great  men  of 
learning  and  her  painters  surpassing  those  of 
all  other  countries  save  Italy?  So  the  small 
Scandinavian  nations  have  given  to  the  world 
famous  men  of  science,  from  Linnaeus  down- 
wards, poets  like  Tegner  and  Bjornson,  scholars 
like  Madvig,  dauntless  explorers  like  Fridtjof 
Nansen.  England  had,  in  the  age  of  Shake- 
speare, Bacon,  and  Milton,  a  population  little 
larger  than  that  of  Bulgaria  to-day.  The 
United  States,  in  the  days  of  Washington  and 
Franklin  and  Jefferson  and  Hamilton  and  Mar- 
shall, counted  fewer  inhabitants  than  Denmark 
or  Greece." 

And  the  following  is  by  Mr.  H.  A.  L.  Fisher, 
Vice-Chancellor  of  Sheffield: — 

"Almost  everything  which  is  most  precious 
in  our  civilization  has  come  from  small  States — 
the  Old  Testament,  the  Homeric  poems,  the 
Attic  and  the  Elizabethan  drama,  the  art  of  the 
Italian  Renaissance,  the  common  law  of  Eng- 
land. Nobody  needs  to  be  told  what  humanity 
owes  to  Athens,  Florence,  Geneva,  or  Weimar. 
The  world's  debt  to  any  one  of  these  small 


NATIONAL  REARRANGEMENT 

States  far  exceeds  all  that  has  issued  from  the 
militant  monarchies  of  Louis  XIV,  of  Napoleon, 
of  the  present  Emperor  of  Germany.  ...  In  the 
particular  points  of  heroic  and  martial  patriotism, 
civic  pride  and  political  prudence,  they  have  often 
reached  the  highest  levels  to  which  it  is  possible 
for  humanity  to  attain;  and  from  Thucydides, 
Plato,  and  Aristotle,  as  well  as  from  the  illustrious 
school  of  Florentine  historians  and  publicists, 
the  world  has  learnt  nine-tenths  of  its  best  political 
wisdom." 

But  indeed,  when  considering  the  possible 
outcome  from  small  communities,  there  is  no 
need  to  go  beyond  the  country  now  called 
Syria!  And  it  is  interesting  to  remember  that 
that  sufficiently  momentous  Advent  occurred  dur- 
ing a  numbering  of  the  people  by  the  Emperor 
of  Rome.  One  more  head  to  be  counted 
— or  perhaps  to  be  ignored  by  the  enume- 
rators as  too  insignificant  an  item  in  the 
stable  of  an  inn;  true  majesty  being  only  dis- 
cernible by  the  extra  simple  and  the  extra 
wise! 

But,  returning  to  more  prosaic  matters,  it  is 
manifest  that  one  of  the  minor  advantages  flow- 
ing from  the  existence  of  smaller  States  consists 
in  the  fact  that  they  serve  as  convenient  labora- 
tories for  social  experiment  on  a  moderate 
scale.  Much  material  for  the  comparative  study 
of  social  and  industrial  expedients  has  been 
provided  by  the  enterprise  of  the  American  State 
Legislatures.  Such  experiments  as  women's  suf- 
frage, or  as  the  State  control  of  the  public  sale 
of  alcoholic  drink,  or  as  a  thoroughgoing  appli- 
cation of  the  Reformatory  theory  of  punishment, 


214.  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

would  hardly  be  seriously  contemplated  in  large, 
old,  and  settled  communities,  were  it  not  for  the 
fact  that  they  have  been  tried  upon  a  smaller 
scale  by  the  more  adventurous  Legislatures  of  the 
New  World. 

THE  EAST  OF  EUROPE 

If  I  attempt  to  touch  on  the  thorny  questions 
bristling  round  the  East  of  Europe,  it  must  be 
in  a  spirit  of  irresponsibility;  not  as  an  his- 
torian writing  for  statesmen,  but  as  an  ordinary 
citizen  discussing  contemporary  possibilities  with 
others.  To  hold  aloof  altogether  and  leave  every- 
thing to  politicians  is  the  German  not  the  English 
method:  it  is  permissible  to  take  an  interest  even 
in  difficult  questions,  and  to  welcome  one 
solution  rather  than  another  when  it  is 
offered. 

This  war,  coupled  with  the  warning  experi- 
ence gained  in  the  minor  war  which  preceded 
it,  when  the  Turk  was  nearly  ousted  and  when 
the  victors  fell  into  the  trap  laid  for  them  by 
Prussian  diplomacy,  ought  to  make  a  vast 
difference  to  that  physically  attractive  part  of 
Europe  which  has  perforce  remained  backward 
in  all  arts  except  the  art  of  fighting.  They 
have  had  terrible  things  to  put  up  with,  and 
the  older  among  us  well  remember  the  horrible 
atrocities  inflicted  upon  the  Bulgarians  by  the 
governing  Turk.  But  the  Bulgarian  atrocities 
have  now  been  outdone,  and  neither  the  .East 
of  Europe  nor  even  Asia  can  teach  us  anything 
in  that  direction. 

Surely  all  that  internecine  period  will  be  now 


NATIONAL  REARRANGEMENT  215 

written  off,  and  the  Balkan  nations  will  learn 
to  direct  their  energies  in  more  peaceful  and 
profitable  directions,  except  when  they  may  have 
to  combine  against  a  common  foe. 

The  gallantry  shown  by  Serbia  is  univer- 
sally recognized;  and  its  future  is  clearly  going 
to  be  an  important  one.  It  is  strange  to  recall 
that  the  present  war  immediately  arose  because 
that  country  resented  a  gratuitous  attempt,  sus- 
tained by  Prussia  and  instigated  I  believe  chiefly 
by  Hungary,  to  destroy  it  and  blot  out  its  in- 
dependence. 

Serbia  deserves,  and  doubtless  will  acquire, 
large  provinces  on  the  seaboard  of  the  Adriatic, 
chiefly  consisting  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina. 

Roumania,  as  one  of  the  Allies,  will  presumably 
acquire  that  part  of  Hungary  which  is  so  clearly 
required  to  give  it  a  rational  boundary,  and 
which  is  kin  to  it  in  race  and  language,  namely 
Transylvania. 

Italy — thrice  welcome  as  an  ally — will  at 
length  attain  its  still  unredeemed  Provinces;  and 
no  longer  will  Trieste  be  a  pistol  at  the  head 
of  Venice. 

All  that  is  comparatively  easy.  The  difficulty 
will  be  to  see  how  the  Teutonic  nations  associated 
with  German-speaking  Austria  can  likewise  have 
an  outlet  to  the  Mediterranean.  To  give  them 
Fiume,  which  seems  the  only  feasible  plan,  is 
to  cut  into  the  Slavonic  fringe,  and  will  entail 
serious  difficulty;  yet  a  great  continental  nation 
ought  not  to  be  debarred  from  the  sea,  and  a 
settlement  which  does  not  provide  some  kind  of 
free  trade  outlet  is  likely  to  cause  restlessness 
and  future  trouble. 


216  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Germany,  once  liberated  from  Prussian  bully- 
ing control,  may  arrange  for  itself  to  unite  its 
ancient  kingdoms  into  a  real  coequal  Federa- 
tion, and  to  have  its  headquarters  at  Vienna  or 
Munich  or  Dresden;  and  it  may  be  hoped  that 
then  it  will  have  a  fine  future  before  it,  when 
the  sins  of  the  present  generation  have  been 
wiped  out. 

To  hamper  the  natural  development  of  any 
nation  or  people  is  folly,  even  when  it  is  the 
outcome  of  a  well-meaning  policy.  If  we  had 
not  mistakenly  taken  part  in  the  boxing  in  of 
Russia,  Constantinople  would  long  ago  have 
been  in  its  hands;  we  should  have  been  freed 
from  its  inevitable  efforts  to  press  out  in  other 
directions,  ever  since,  its  natural  exit  being  closed ; 
and  we  should  not  now  be  seriously  hampered  by 
the  problem  of  the  Dardanelles. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

TH£   FUTURE   OF   EUROPE 

THE  Nation  as  a  whole  cannot  enter  into 
details  concerning  conditions  of  peace,  but 
it  may  strengthen  the  hands  of  its  respon- 
sible ministers  and  assist  future  negotiations  if 
it  makes  up  its  mind  to  a  few  essentials. 
Among  these  are: — 

Settlement  of  boundaries  on  national  and  racial 
lines,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  in- 
habitants if  strongly  expressed. 

Punishment  of  highly  placed  criminals  who 
ordered  atrocities.  Among  which  the  use  of 
non-combatants  as  a  screen  for  a  firing  line  is 
perhaps  the  most  infernal,  because  it  is  a  newly 
invented  outrage  on  humanity  and  beneath  the 
standard  even  of  savage  warfare. 

The  universally  recognized  duty  of  all  civi- 
lized nations  to  Belgium  cannot  be  better 
expressed  than  in  the  words  of  Wordsworth — 
merely  substituting  that  other  word  for  the 
word  "Spain." 

"The  first  end  to  be  secured  by  [Belgium] 
is  riddance  of  the  enemy;  the  second,  per- 
manent independence.  .  .  .  Humanity  and  honour 
and  justice,  and  all  the  sacred  feelings  connected 
with  atonement,  retribution,  and  satisfaction; 

217 


218  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

shame  that  will  not  sleep,  and  the  sting  of 
unperformed  duty;  and  all  the  powers  of  the 
mind,  the  memory  that  broods  over  the 
dead  and  turns  to  the  living,  the  under- 
standing, the  imagination,  and  the  reason; — 
demand  and  enjoin  that  the  wanton  oppressor 
should  be  driven,  with  confusion  and  dismay, 
from  the  country  which  he  has  so  heinously 
abused." 

International  crime  is  a  calamity,  but  it  is 
one  that  should  be  promptly  put  down.  Prus- 
sianism  must  cease;  the  dominion  of  Prussia 
over  Germany  and  of  the  Prussian  spirit  as  it 
has  spread  into  Austria,  Russia,  and  other 
countries,  must  terminate.  Too  long  has  the 
world  suffered  the  arrogance  of  this  upstart 
nation. 

But  beyond  these  essential  preliminaries, 
there  are  a  number  of  problems  which  soon  will 
have  to  be  faced,  and  which  may  be  partly 
enumerated : — 

First  as  regards  the  prestige  of  Prussia  and 
its  supposed  services  to  the  rest  of  Germany. 
Dr.  Sarolea,  summing  up  the  situation  in 
1912,  says  that  he  is  convinced  that  German 
unity  would  have  come  sooner  without  the  inter- 
vention of  Prussia,  that  it  would  have  been 
closer,  more  real,  more  permanent,  and  attained 
at  far  less  cost. 

"German  unity  is  far  from  being  an  accom- 
plished fact.  Germany  remains  a  geographical 
expression.  After  all,  even  to  the  most  super- 
ficial observer,  it  must  be  apparent  to-day  that 
iron  and  blood  have  not  welded  Germany 
together.  Neither  Schleswig-Holstein  nor  Alsace- 


THE  FUTURE  OF  EUROPE  219 

Lorraine,  nor  Hanover  nor  Poland,  are  integral 
parts  of  the  Empire.  Technically  the  kingdom 
of  Prussia  to-day  includes  many  provinces,  like 
the  Rhine  Provinces,  which  have  nothing  Prus- 
sian in  character.  .  .  .  Historic  Prussia  is 
comparatively  barren  and  monotonous,  whereas 
Germany  has  a  rich  diversity  of  smiling  vine- 
yards and  romantic  scenery,  is  traversed  by 
magnificent  rivers,  is  the  seat  of  prosperous 
industries.  Germany  can  boast  of  a  comparatively 
pure  Teutonic  stock;  Prussians  proper  are  a 
mixed  race,  and  their  composition  is  more 
Slavonic  than  Teutonic." 

Prussia  has  been  a  danger  and  disaster  to 
Germany  as  well  as  to  the  rest  of  the  world, 
and  German  unity  has  been  more  formal  than 
real  until  the  present  tragic  tightening  of  the 
bonds  which  precedes  their  snapping. 

The  unification  of  Germany,  so  far  as  it  has 
gone,  was  really  accomplished  by  the  will  of 
the  people.  The  States  were  ready  for  it  in 
1864:  it  was  only  declined  then  because  Prus- 
sian arrogance  objected  to  receive  an  imperial 
crown  at  the  hands  of  the  people.  It  was  ulti- 
mately achieved  by  blood  and  iron,  and 
achieved  badly,  with  Prussia  in  an  intolerable 
position;  though  Germany,  being  docile,  ac- 
quiesced, and  has  suffered  accordingly,  especi- 
ally from  having  imbibed  some  of  the  vices 
of  the  conquering  State.  For  these  it  must  suffer 
in  the  future  too;  but  the  result  should  be  that 
something  more  like  the  old  German  spirit  will 
arise  out  of  the  ashes. 

"Modern  Germany  has  made  obvious  to  all 
in  what  sense  the  traditional  ways  of  the  West 


220  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

are  wrong;  the  pain  she  has  inflicted,  the 
suffering  she  endures,  will  induce,  at  last,  the 
long-wanted  change.  .  .  .  None  can  foretell  what 
the  Germans  will  be  like  even  ten  years  hence; 
an  enormous  amount  of  what  they  are  com- 
mitting just  now  has  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  their  soul — it  is  the  result  of  machinery, 
automatism,  prejudice.  If  the  machine  falls  to 
pieces,  all  may  change." 

As  for  rearrangement  in  Europe,  the  peoples 
must  largely  settle  it  for  themselves.  It  is  not 
our  business  to  arrange  their  affairs,  though  we 
may  give  help  where  it  is  needed.  We  shall 
certainly  acquire  no  jot  of  Europe — not  even 
Heligoland; — it  belongs  to  Holstein,  let  it  share 
the  fate  of  Holstein.  And  if  with  Schleswig 
that  province  wishes  to  return  to  Denmark,  as 
other  provinces  will  wish  to  return  to  France, 
let  it  be  so.  If  not,  Heligoland  may  have  to 
be  made  an  International  Station,  for  security  to 
the  rest  of  the  world. 

So  also  in  the  near  East,  let  the  nations 
secure  their  individuality  and  combine  in  such 
way  as  they  think  best,  on  a  basis  of  nationality 
and  sympathetic  understanding.  The  time  has 
passed  for  alien  rule.  If  German-speaking 
Austria  wishes  to  unite  with  the  federated  Ger- 
man Southern  States,  it  is  only  appropriate  that 
it  should;  and  it  would  help  to  emancipate  all 
the  others  from  the  dominance  of  Prussia.  The 
present  haphazard  Austrian  Empire  will  break 
up;  but  the  historic  German  Empire  may  again 
have  its  seat  in  Vienna. 

It  may  be  that  thereby  also  the  re-constituted 
Germany  will  gain  an  outlet  to  the  Mediter- 


THE  FUTURE  OF  EUROPE 

ranean,  instead  of  being  limited  for  ocean- 
going purposes  to  a  small  coast-line  on  the 
North  Sea.  Let  us  hope  that  it  will  develop 
its  peaceful  arts  and  commerce  to  the  benefit 
of  itself  and  of  the  world.  No  restrictions  or 
hampering  of  the  peaceful  development  of  Ger- 
man industry  and  commerce  should  be  enforced. 
But  the  Prussian  Navy — the  Navy  of  the  Kiel 
Canal — has  been  made  a  bad  use  of:  whatever 
fate  is  in  store  for  that  destructive  force,  it  is 
too  dangerous  a  weapon  to  leave  in  the  hands 
of  those  who  wish  for  world  dominance.  The 
object  of  its  creation  was  not  to  keep 
the  seas  open  for  international  traffic,  but 
to  destroy  all  traffic  but  its  own.  That  cannot 
be  tolerated. 

But,  except  the  provinces  of  Prussian  aggran- 
dizement, Germany  itself  need  not  lose  terri- 
tory. The  robberies  of  Prussia  must  go  back 
to  their  owners,  except  in  so  far  as  the  inhabi- 
tants wish  to  unite  with  Germany.  Germany 
may  thus  be  united  on  a  better  basis,  and  in  a 
more  real  sense,  than  before. 

As  for  the  German  colonies,  it  has  no  need  of 
any  in  the  Pacific;  they  may  be  considered 
emancipated  from  its  hated  rule.  For  the  others 
let  time  decide.  It  has  still  to  learn  how  to 
govern  them,  hitherto  it  has  failed:  though 
Germans  can  colonize  admirably  under  other 
flags.  Politically  they  are  behind  the  time,  and 
for  the  present  will  have  plenty  to  do  to  put 
their  house  in  order  and  keep  themselves  to 
themselves.  Ultimately  there  may  be  a  future 
for  German  Colonies  in  South  America; 
and  if  that  development  be  attempted,  I 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

trust  that  we  shall  imitate  the  example 
of  our  friends  in  the  Northern  Continent  and 
remain  strictly  neutral  and  impartial.  Unless 
indeed — which  God  avert — international  crime  be 
again  committed. 

The  Kingdom  of  Poland  must  be  reconstituted 
and  re-united,  presumably  under  the  suzerainty 
of  the  Czar;  and  if  possible  it  should  have  an 
outlet  to  the  Baltic  Sea  for  trading  purposes. 
For  if  in  the  past  the  Polish  nation  made 
grievous  mistakes,  ano  nation  has  paid  more 
dearly  for  them,  or  has  retrieved  them  more 
heroically.  No  nation  has  been  greater  in  mis- 
fortune. Surely  a  nation  which  has  produced 
great  men  in  all  branches  of  human  activity, 
which  has  produced  a  Copernicus,  a  Sobieski, 
a  Kosciusko,  a  Mickiewic,  and  a  Chopin,  is 
not  a  nation  of  mere  barbarians.  A  nation  which 
for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  has  asserted  itself 
against  overwhelming  odds  has  proved  its  right 
to  live." 

The  immense  Empire  of  Russia  must  no 
longer  be  land-locked;  it  must  be  trusted  with 
the  key  of  its  own  door,  and  must  undoubtedly 
possess  Constantinople;  thereby  its  legitimate 
needs  will  be  satisfied,  and  it  need  no  longer 
press  out  to  the  sea  in  other  directions.  Of  land 
it  has  ample  and  to  spare;  and  it  would  have 
had  access  to  the  sea  more  than  half  a  century 
ago,  had  it  not  been  for  our  grievously  mis- 
taken policy  of  those  days. 

The  result  may  have  turned  out  well  however, 
for  Russia  of  those  days  had  not  had  its  trials: 
it  was  still  in  many  respects  barbarous.  In 
the  interim,  although  its  government  has  been 


THE  FUTURE  OF  EUROPE       223 

under  Prussian  influence  to  its  great  detriment 
and  discredit,  it  has  made  great  progress,  and 
now  that  it  is  freed  from  that  malign  influence 
we  have  hopes  of  better  things.  The  world 
may  owe  a  great  debt  to  the  Russia  of  the 
future. 

We  cannot  provide  against  every  con- 
tingency; our  policy  is  to  trust  the  Slavonic 
race  now  that  it  is,  we  hope  permanently, 
emancipated  from  Prussian  bedevilment.  The 
heart  of  the  Russian  people  is  more  sound 
and  essentially  Christian  than  perhaps  that  of 
any  other  nation.  We  shall  find  that  it  has 
much  to  teach  us,  and  a  genuine  place  in  the 
higher  spiritual  development  of  the  world. 
When  the  political  sins  and  shortcomings  of 
Russia  in  the  past — especially  its  brutal  sup- 
pression of  struggling  hopes  for  freedom — are 
again  thrust  before  our  notice, — as  they  will 
be, — let  us  remember  our  own  dealings  with 
Ireland;  and  let  us  recollect  further  that  such 
errors,  grievous  as  they  are,  belong  to  an  early 
stage  of  development,  and  signify  that  the 
country  responsible  for  them  is  legitimately  be- 
hindhand, and  has  a  century  or  two  still  to  make 
up. 

I  have  some  sympathy  with  the  sentiments 
expressed  by  Mr.  Cloudesley  Brereton  in  an 
article  in  the  Revue  de  Paris  for  15  March  1915, 
which  I  translate  thus: — 

"Most  of  our  views  of  Russia  come  to  us 
through  that  parti-coloured  window,  Germany, 
— whose  particular  interest  it  is  to  show  us 
every  colour  except  white.  Personally  I  prefer 
to  base  my  ideas  of  that  country  on  the  writings 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

of  Tolstoy,  Dostoyevski,  Maxim  Gorki,  and 
Stephen  Graham,  in  which  the  greatness  of  the 
Russian  soul  shines  out  continually  in  all  its 
na'ive  simplicity.  To  me  Russia,  in  spite  of  all 
her  faults,  appears  an  unlimited  reservoir  of 
brotherly  love,  compassion,  and  mercy.  The  great 
ideas  of  Russia,  if  they  come  into  contact  with 
our  own,  should  help  us  to  cast  out  much 
that  is  hard  and  narrow  in  our  civilization,  and 
thus  create  a  new  spirit  in  the  Western  peoples. 

"The  other  day,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "I 
asked  Stephen  Graham  the  following  question: 
'What  will  be  our  relations  with  the  Russians 
at  the  end  of  the  war?'  He  replied:  'Treat 
them  generously  and  they  will  surpass  you  in 
generosity.  But  deal  with  them  crookedly  and 
they  will  undoubtedly  turn  upon  you!'  So 
diplomats,  beware!" 

There  remains  the  problem  of  the  Balkan 
States:  doubtless  too  technical  for  amateur  treat- 
ment. A  few  words  therefore  only. 

Serbia  will  gain  extensive  territory  from 
Austria,  and,  in  harmony  it  is  to  be  hoped  with 
Italy,  will  face  the  Adriatic  and  probably  ac- 
quire the  Slavonic  part  of  Dalmatia. 

Greece,  we  hope,  for  its  own  sake,  will  join 
the  Allies  in  time,  under  the  guidance  of  its 
eminent  statesman  Venizelos;  and  will  thereby 
acquire  Smyrna  and  some  fine  hinterland  in  Asia 
Minor,  which  is  deserving  of  a  better  fate  than 
its  present  derelict  co.ndition. 

Bulgaria,  if  it  makes  a  wise  choice  and 
throws  its  powerful  aid  into  the  scale,  will 
probably  again  enlarge  its  borders  up  to  the 
Chataldja  lines — this  time  in  a  permanent 


THE  FUTURE  OF  EUROPE       225 

manner,  and  will  get  back  a  large  tract  of 
Macedonia. 

The  Gates  of  the  Black  Sea  will  be  a  diffi- 
culty to  any  State,  such  as  Roumania,  for  whom 
the  Black  Sea  is  the  only  seaboard.  Whether 
the  Dardanelles  can  by  International  Treaty  be 
kept  open  for  all  peaceful  trading,  in  the  in- 
terests of  countries  which  Border  the  Black  Sea; 
and  whether  the  Kiel  Canal  can  be  similarly 
Internationalized  and  employed  for  commerce  only, 
we  must  leave  to  Statesmen  to  decide. 

We  might  hope  that  henceforth  Constanti- 
nople and  Heligoland,  like  Gibraltar  hitherto, 
may  be  used  as  guarantees  of  opportunity  for 
peaceable  development  and  progress. 

The  imminent  defeat  of  the  Turk  will  eject 
the  Turkish  Government  from  Europe.  (But 
there  is  one  small  part  of  Asia  that  should  like- 
wise be  liberated  from  his  blighting  rule.  The 
protectorate  which  has  been  exercised  over  Egypt, 
with  admirable  results,  should  be  extended  to 
Syria,  and  that  country  be  once  more  offered 
to  the  Jews.  Some  people  think  they  do  not 
want  it,  but  they  have  not  yet  had  the  refusal 
of  it, — that  responsibility  should  be  offered 
them;  but  whether  they  accept  it  or  not,  the 
Turk  should  go,  and  some  measure  of  untaxed 
prosperity  be  restored  to  a  tract  of  country 
immeasurably  sacred  to  the  greater  part  of  man- 
kind. It  is  natural  for  humanity  to  guard  and 
care  for  places  round  which  memory  clings.  There 
was  a  time  when  we  might  have  acquiesced  in 
the  ousting  of  the  Turk  by  Germany:  that  did 
not  look  at  all  improbable.  Now  it  is  a  thing 


226  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

that  cannot  be  contemplated;  it  would  be  merely 
replacing  one  desecration  by  another. 

The  simplest  solution  is  to  restore  Palestine 
to  Egypt,  to  which  till  comparatively  recently 
it  belonged,  and  thus  secure  its  adequate  pro- 
tection while  leaving  it  free  to  develop  its  own 
resources  in  accordance  with  the  genius  of  what- 
ever inhabitants,  Hebrew  or  other,  go  to  live  there. 
For  in  the  future  it  may  once  again  be  pros- 
perous, when  the  devastating  blight  of  greedy 
Turkish  misgovernment  is  removed. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

OTHER     HOME    REFORMS 

A  PERSONALITY  is  compounded  of  moods, 
— serious  sometimes  and  sometimes  frivo- 
lous, sometimes  gay,  sometimes  depressed; 
so  that  an  effort  is  occasionally  required  to 
realize  that  a  single  individuality  is  concerned 
all  the  time.  Greater  simplicity  and  consistency 
is  expected  from  characters  in  literature,  or  they 
would  be  confusing.  Actions,  thoughts,  and 
even  tastes  are  in  most  real  cases  variable, 
and  dependent  on  the  prevailing  mood;  and 
in  each  mood,  if  it  last  long  enough,  something 
definite  can  be  accomplished.  Wisdom  lies 
in  trying  to  coerce  the  less  productive  moods 
into  harmony  with  those  which  really  corre- 
spond to  and  are  most  approved  by  the  higher 
self:— 

Tasks  in  hours  of  insight  will'd 

Can  be  through  hours  of  gloom  fulfill'd. 

And  the  mind  of  a  nation  is,  in  that  sense, 
moody  too.  It  is  strange  now  to  look  back 
over  the  frivolities  and  eccentricities,  the  ex- 
citements and  trivialities,  through  which  we 
have  passed — we  who  have  lived  through  the 
latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century: — from 

227 


228  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

that  trivial  excrescence  of  the  genuine  aesthetic 
movement,  genially  satirized  in  "Patience,"  down 
to  the  inane  foolishness  of  Tango  Teas. 

But  the  mood  of  the  nation  is  serious  now: 
and  now  is  the  time  for  something  good  to  be 
accomplished,  and  some  real  progress  made. 

What  a  splendid  spirit  is  now  active!  The 
self-sacrificing  labour  thrown  into  the  Red 
Cross  and  Ambulance  movement  alone  is 
magnificent.  From  the  Queen  Mother  down- 
wards, every  class  is  seeking,  by  influence,  per- 
sonal support  and  personal  work,  to  mitigate 
the  hideous  suffering  and  preserve  some  beauty 
and  kindness  on  this  planet. 

Our  eyes  henceforth  may  be  wider  open.  And 
with  a  keener  perception  of  the  dignity  and 
beauty  of  life — yes  even  of  the  physical  beauty 
of  this  island  of  ours,  to  which  we  have  grown 
so  accustomed  that  we  fail  adequately  to  appre- 
ciate it — we  shall  not  so  tamely  allow  it  to  be 
defaced  and  vulgarized  in  the  supposed  interests 
of  trade. 

It  is  not  a  good  thing  to  become  careless 
and  callous  to  scenes  of  beauty,  and  to  acquiesce 
tamely  in  the  disfigurement  of  home  surround- 
ings. Beauty  is  one  of  the  Divine  attributes — 
a  fact  insufficiently  remembered.  Providence  has 
given  us  a  land  which  in  its  first  flush  of  summer 
glory  almost  oppresses  sensitive  souls  with  un- 
speakable feeling;  and  among  the  chief  cities  of 
the  world  architects  have  done  much  to  place 
our  own  capital  not  indeed  on  an  eminence  but 
in  a  high  and  worthy  place.  Let  us  be  careful 
of  these  trusts. 

Now  that  we  have  grown  accustomed  to  more 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  229 

moderate  darkness  in  London,  we  must  not  have 
those  whisky  advertisements  flaunted  across  the 
Thames,  nor  the  traffic  made  dangerous  and 
the  streets  ugly  and  vulgar  by  revolving  sky- 
signs;  while  as  for  the  country — the  country 
which  men  have  died  to  defend — shall  it  not 
at  last  be  cleared  of  advertisement  boards  of 
pills  and  trash? 

This  may  seem  a  small  matter,  but  it  is  typical 
of  much.  Why  should  the  country  be  smeared 
over  with  the  printed  cries  of  street  hawkers? 
Are  we  never  to  be  able  to  clear  our  minds  of 
sordid  trifles  unless  we  are  rich  enough  to  own 
large  estates  or  to  travel  abroad?  The  country 
does  not  belong  to  the  hucksters — let  them  be 
satisfied  with  the  towns.  And  there,  let  them 
be  kept  within  reasonable  bounds  and  subject 
to  rational  control. 

Landlords  used  to  govern  the  country,  as 
many  laws  testify:  they  have  now  largely  given 
place  to  tradesmen;  but  in  all  cases  it  is  the 
lowest  type  who  take  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunities offered,  and  who  make  themselves  and 
their  wares  obnoxious.  That  is  the  worst  of 
permitting  abuses.  A  set  whom  their  fellows 
despise  rise  into  notoriety  by  the  easy  process 
of  pressing  their  immunity  to  the  utmost  and 
becoming  a  public  nuisance.  In  any  company 
it  is  the  noisy  vulgarian  who  becomes  con- 
spicuous; and  when  conspicuousness  is  the 
thing  desired,  noise  and  vulgarity  are  the  easiest 
steps  to  its  attainment.  If  the  shouting  method 
were  stopped  all  round — as  it  has  been  with 
almost  inconvenient  completeness  in  medicine 
and  most  of  the  professions — how  much  fairer 


230  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

it  would  be  to  the  earnest  and  silent  and  digni- 
fied worker! 

PARTY  POLITICS 

One  thing  that  I  hope  the  war  will,  if  not 
terminate,  at  any  rate  greatly  mitigate  the 
folly  of,  is  the  domination  in  this  country 
of  the  idea  and  game  of  party  politics. 
Politics  has  turned  out  to  be  too  serious  a 
matter  to  be  treated  as  an  opportunity  for  a 
career  and  personal  advancement.  Government 
should  be  carried  on  by  the  best  brains  of  the 
nation;  and  differences  of  opinion  should  be 
helpful  rather  than  hampering.  The  present 
coalition  of  parties — the  aim  at  a  truly  com- 
prehensive National  Government  in  face  of  a 
foe — represents  what  should  be  the  attitude  all 
the  time.  For  there  are  plenty  of  foes  to  be 
contended  against  beside  hostile  militarism; 
and  to  be  continually  working  in  the  teeth  of 
acrimonious  opposition,  sustained  for  the  sake 
of  opposition  and  in  the  hope  of  turning 
the  Government  out,  is  unduly  wearing  and 
demoralizing:  it  cannot  lead  to  the  best 
results. 

It  was  noticeable  not  long  ago  how  spokes- 
men of  the  late  Government,  Lord  Crewe  for  in- 
stance, in  accepting  the  aid  of  the  Opposition, 
was  careful  apologetically  to  say  that  he  quite 
understood  that  the  assistance  was  not  given 
for  their  sake  but  for  the  Country's.  Well  of 
course  it  should  always  be  given  for  the 
Country.  But  nevertheless  some  consideration 
is  due  to  those  who  have  the  heavy  burden 
of  directing  the  policy  of  the  Country;  and 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  231 

if  some  help  were  afforded  for  their  sake  too, 
it  would  be  only  reasonable.  Such  an  idea  is 
alien  to  the  Party  system,  and  those  who  are 
receiving  help  at  the  present  time  are  anxious 
to  disclaim  any  idea  that  they  are  misappro- 
priating it  in  that  way.  Yet  the  animosity  be- 
tween the  parties,  though  always  proclaimed  and 
maintained  and  having  its  injurious  effect,  mus£ 
be  somewhat  artificial,  just  as  the  animosity  of 
the  foes  in  the  trenches  is.  And,  since  war  began, 
the  politicians  have  been  publicly  fraternizing,  on 
a  sort  of  inverted  Christmas  Day,  in  a  way  which, 
as  private  individuals,  they  either  do  or  would 
like  to  do  ordinarily. 

It  is  extraordinary  that  the  only  way  effec- 
tively to  disapprove  of  a  Government  measure 
— and  nowadays  all  measures  have  to  be 
Government  measures — is  to  attack  the  pro- 
posal as  a  vicious  one,  to  call  the  Government 
the  worst  of  modern  times,  and  to  turn  it  out 
with  invective  and  contumely.  All  this  strong 
language  is  part  of  the  game;  it  is  called 
"an  appeal  to  the  constituencies."  It  is  under- 
stood to  be  exaggerated,  and  what  educated 
people  consider  idiotic,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
ignorant  constituents.  This  behaviour  is  really 
contempt  of  Court,  and  should  be  resented  by 
voters  instead  of  being  enjoyed.  Shouts  of 
"Give  it  them,"  "Let  them  have  it,"  repre- 
sent to  the  world  that  the  attitude  of  the  British 
to  politics  is  like  their  enjoyment  of  a  football 
scrimmage.  Political  discussion  is  treated  as  a 
variety  of  sport.  I  hope  that  we  have  all  learnt 
that  it  is  more  serious  than  that. 

And,    after    all,    what    kind    of    people    is    it 


232  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

that  hustings  speeches  influence?  Only  the 
wobblers.  The  steady  voters  go  on  as  usual, 
time  after  time.  The  election  is  determined 
by  the  small  swaying  body  whose  votes  can  be 
readily  caught, — in  the  old  days  by  bribery, 
in  these  days  by  fustian; — and  so  we  have 
"the  swing  of  the  pendulum,"  and  the  policy 
of  the  "Outs"  versus  the  "Ins";  the  Country 
never  getting  the  benefit  of  more  than 
half  its  brains,  save  among  its  permanent 
officials,  who  thereby  acquire  an  undue  amount 
or  irresponsible  and  unintended  and  unrecog- 
nized though  certainly  in  some  cases  beneficent 
power. 

It  is  sometimes  thought  that  democratic 
government  is  necessarily  of  a  party  kind;  but 
that  is  surely  not  true  of  a  healthy  democracy. 
Party  politics  appears  to  be  a  disease  to  which 
democracy  is  liable.  Essentially,  democracy 
is  government  by  free  discussion;  but  free  dis- 
cussion is  not  synonymous  with  party  discussion. 
On  the  contrary,  party  discussion  is  far  from 
free;  and  every  party  speaker,  like  a  one-sided 
Counsel  in  a  law  case,  must  feel  hampered  by 
knowing  that  his  slightest  admission  will  be 
seized  and  exaggerated  unfairly.  The  party 
system  in  politics  is  not  unconnected  with  the 
Advocate  system  in  law.  This  is  not  to  abuse 
it — it  may  be  to  some  extent  to  justify,  or  at 
least  to  explain  it.  Forensic  appeals  are  con- 
stantly being  made  to  a  jury:  and  the  judicial 
summing-up  is  left  to  historians  of  the 
future. 

Differences   of   opinion   there   are,   and   ought 
to  be,  but  these  should  be  brought  forward  and 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  233 

opposed  to  each  other  fairly  and  squarely,  in 
the  hope  that  something  better  than  either  of 
the  opposing  opinions  will  emerge  out  of  the 
discussion.  Discussion,  not  conflict, — discussion 
with  full  persuasion  that  every  one  is  trying  to 
do  the  best  he  can,  and  has  no  other  motive- 
represents  the  right  method  of  managing  a  great 
business. 

UNDISCOVERED  GENIUS 

A  more  economical  utilization  of  the  best 
brains  of  the  nation  should  be  another  aim. 
Utilization  not  in  politics  alone,  but  in  science 
and  in  industry. 

Have  we  not  all  been  struck  with  the  ability 
shown  by  assistants  and  foremen  and  skilled 
craftsmen  such  as  carpenters?  This  ability 
should  be  given  fuller  scope  for  its  develop- 
ment. In  a  laboratory  it  usually  is,  more  or 
less;  and  the  result,  in  one  instance  at  least, 
was  Faraday. 

But  in  the  workshop  what  chance  has  a  man 
of  special  ability  to  emerge?  A  little,  it  is 
true.  James  Watt  was  an  artisan  who  ulti- 
mately got  his  chance;  but  what  pertinacious 
labour  and  severe  trials  did  he  not  go  through, 
and  what  opposition  he  had  to  overcome!  His 
environment  opposed  and  nearly  frustrated  even 
his  great  genius:  a  man  of  less  strength  of 
body  and  tenacity  of  purpose  would  have  suc- 
cumbed. His  example  shows  that  a  man  of 
genius,  combined  with  strong  character,  can  even 
now  win  his  way  to  the  front;  but  the  country 
is  unwise  to  insist  upon  such  a  combination, 
before  it  gets  the  benefit  of  the  brains  at  its 


234  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

disposal.  As  far  as  possible,  things  should  be 
so  organized  that  ability,  even  if  not  specially 
conspicuous,  should  have  its  chance.  Many 
more  laboratories  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  workshops,  would  give  such  a  chance: 
laboratories  free  and  unhampered  by  State 
regulations  and  control.  If  State  subsidy  means 
management  by  officials,  its  benefit  is  almost 
sterilized. 

But  worse  than  that  is  the  jealousy  and 
restrictions  imposed  by  workmen  themselves. 
Their  ideal  of  marching  all  together,  each 
controlled  and  limited  to  a  bare  average,  has 
been  a  scheme  of  self-defence  adopted  by  a  com- 
munity afflicted  by  past  history  and  in  danger 
of  serfdom;  but  it  is  not  the  way  to  develop 
individuality  and  give  every  genius  his  chance. 
It  is,  like  the  customary  ideal  of  a  public  school, 
planned  to  suppress  originality  and  maintain 
an  average  standard.  In  this  way  the  humdrum 
work  of  the  world  can  be  done,  but  no  great 
production  such  as  future  ages  will  admire  is 
likely:  distinguished  achievement  is  indeed  only 
possible  because  providential  arrangements 
sometimes  overrule  well-meaning  human  stu- 
pidity. 

The  beehive  system  is  splendid  at  a  certain 
stage  of  development — something  like  it  may 
be  needed  in  war-time — but  it  is  beneath  the 
possible  standard  of  humanity:  we  can  aim 
higher  than  that.  That  nation  which  learns  how 
to  discover  and  utilize  its  great  men,  in  every 
walk  of  life,  will  forge  ahead  to  a  surprising 
extent,  and  will  advance  the  general  cause  of 
civilization.  We  cannot  create  or  control 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  235 

genius,  it  bloweth  where  it  listeth,  but  we  can 
control  environment:  that  is  our  human  privilege 
and  duty. 

The  debilitating  struggle  for  bare  subsist- 
ence should  certainly  cease.  It  cannot  possibly 
be  necessary.  Enough  for  a  living  is  so  easily 
procured.  Not  so  easily  if  agriculture  is 
neglected:  we  ought  to  keep  consciously 
before  us  the  fact  that  everything  has  to  come 
from  the  land.  That  is  what  receives  the  sun- 
shine; and  it  is  upon  the  energy  of  sunshine 
that  the  whole  activity  of  our  planet  necessarily 
depends.  The  amount  of  the  energy  can  be 
reckoned,  and  it  is  enough  to  feed  far  more 
people  than  ever  lived  at  one  time,  or  are  ever 
likely  to  live.  We  have  hardly  yet  learned  how 
best  to  utilize  it. 

But,  if  we  had,  it  is  not  bread  alone  that  man 
needs;  he  should  have  leisure  to  cultivate  his 
soul;  and  education  should  assist  him.  Bare 
subsistence  is  bound  to  come  first,  but  that 
should  be  easy:  the  really  difficult  things  fol- 
low after  that. 

Machinery  may  contribute  to  subsistence; 
machinery,  from  the  plough  upwards,  is  neces- 
sary for  that;  but  wealth  of  soul  is  not  in- 
creased by  machinery.  In  so  far  as  machines 
can  perform  bare  mechanical  tasks,  and  thereby 
confer  more  leisure  upon  human  beings,  their 
use  is  of  manifest  advantage.  Steamships; 
instead  of  galleys  of  oars  propelled  by  wretched 
slaves,  represent  an  obvious  stride  in  civiliza- 
tion; while  to  propel  an  aeroplane  by  human 
muscle  is  simply  impossible. 

Greater  leisure  ought  to  result  from  the  per- 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

formance  of  mechanical  tasks  and  menial  offices 
by  machinery.  But  does  it?  Increase  of  out- 
put is  often  secured  instead.  "Speeding  up" 
is  a  term  invented  in  America;  and  humanity 
can  thus  become  more  enslaved  and  desperately 
driven  than  before.  This  is,  or  ought  to  be, 
the  real  meaning  of  the  limitation  of  output 
insisted  on  by  Trade  Unions.  And  when  it 
is  doubtful  whether  things  are  wanted  or  not, 
such  limitation  may  be  legitimate:  in  peace 
time  it  may  be  possible  to  have  over-production. 
But  when  the  things  are  vitally  necessary,  when 
they  are  needed  to  save  the  life-blood  of  your 
fellows,  all  such  artificial  limitation  of  the  power 
of  machinery  becomes  criminal.  The  whole 
nation  must  be  aware  that  munitions  and  sup- 
plies of  every  kind  are  really  needed  now;  and 
class  legislation,  like  mere  party  obstruc- 
tion and  artificially  hostile  criticism,  must  be 
suspended. 

The  less  of  such  obstruction  and  criticism 
that  need  be  renewed  after  a  return  to  normal 
times,  the  better  for  the  nation.  The  entire 
atmosphere  of  production  needs  purifying  by 
a  more  wholesome  breath.  At  present  manu- 
facturing processes  are  smothered  in  the  dulSt 
of  recent  strife,  bound  and  hampered  by 
restrictions  founded  on  mistrust,  and  choked  by 
the  noxious  gases  of  greed  and  selfishness. 
There  is  now  a  chance  for  better  relations 
between  capital  and  labour — as  an  outcome  of 
joint  sacrifice  for  a  common  end;  and  there  is 
some  hope  that  ideas  of  universal  service  for  the 
good  of  the  Community,  and  especially  a  keener 
realization  of  the  fact  that  human  life  and 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  237 

welfare  are  the  real  objects  of  all  exertion,  may 
permeate  and  reform  and  re-invigorate  the 
land. 

INFANT  MORTALITY 

The  monotony  of  environment  and  absence  of 
leisure,  and  consequent  succumbing  to  tempta- 
tion, may  swamp  some  genius  which  otherwise 
would  enrich  the  nation;  but  the  unnecessary 
slaughter  which  goes  on  hourly  among  infants 
must  destroy  the  chance  of  much  more.  We  have 
learned  that  young  life  is  itself  an  asset  to  the 
Community,  even  apart  from  exceptional  pos- 
sibilities and  promise.  Given  favourable  condi- 
tions for  development  and  education,  every  other 
child  born  into  the  world  seems  likely  to  promise 
notable  service; — else  how  comes  it  that  the  sons 
of  peers  so  frequently  blossom  into  Diplomatists 
and  Civil  Servants  and  able  Governors  and 
holders  of  important  positions  under  the 
Crown? 

Clearly  the  present  state  of  infant  mortality 
is  a  disgrace  to  the  Community;  fortunately 
it  is  felt  to  be  so,  and  remedies  are  being 
sought.  The  present  state  of  stress  may 
hasten  reform.  Motherhood  should  be  better 
protected  than  at  present,  and  education  in 
the  management  of  children  should  be  wide- 
spread. Indeed  instruction  in  elementary 
physiology,  generally,  would  conduce  to  greater 
respect  for  the  body  and  diminish  the  ills  due 
to  its  maltreatment.  Compulsory  school  attend- 
ance too  soon  after  illness  is  another  danger  to 
infants. 


238  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

POSITION  OF  WOMEN 

One  more  of  the  welcome  changes  which  must 
follow  the  war  is  that  women  will  surely 
not  have  to  revert  to  their  old  unrecognized 
political  position.  We  have  had  quite  enough 
of  a  nation  which  systematically  underrates  and 
suppresses  its  own  womenfolk,  making  them 
take  a  merely  subservient  position,  and  treating 
all  other  women  with  disrespect  and  barbarity. 
The  exclusion  of  women  from  due  recognition, 
and  the  mean  estimation  in  which  they  have 
been  held,  is  responsible  for  much  evil.  It  is 
perhaps  a  curious  outcome  of  war  that  women 
should  come  more  to  the  front,  but  so  it  is, — in 
every  department  their  help  and  influence  are 
more  and  more  gratefully  recognized, — indeed 
the  one  bright  spot  in  the  hideous  blunder  of 
the  Crimea  was  the  emergence  of  Florence 
Nightingale. 

Women  have  once  more  shown  that  they  can 
take  their  share  in  war  preparation,  and  in 
national  labour  and  suffering  and  achievement, 
and  in  service  near  the  front;  while  they  were 
already  engaged  usefully  in  civic  and  municipal 
enterprises.  War  does  not  spare  women 
vicariously — it  does  not  even  spare  them  per- 
sonally, as  we  may  have  thought  and  hoped 
that  it  did — and  they  are  entitled  to  a  voice 
in  the  affairs  which  lead  to  or  which  avoid  war. 
Some  of  them,  in  a  too  recent  past,  have  been 
terribly  irritating,  but  the  wisdom  of  the  best 
must  be  trusted  to  hold  in  check  or  at 
least  to  counterbalance  the  impudence  and  folly 
of  the  worst.  Besides,  they  have  made  some 


OTHER  HOME  REFORMS  239 

amends  by  wise  and  patriotic  counsel  and 
activity  in  face  of  real  danger.  Clamour  and 
violence,  in  past  frivolous  times,  have  done  their 
cause  much  harm;  but  in  spite  of  the 
antics  of  a  minority  the  wise  instincts  of 
womanhood  can  no  longer  be  ignored  or 
treated  as  a  negligible  asset  in  the  government 
of  a  State.  Daughter  nations  of  the  Empire, 
and  independent  States  of  America,  have  tried 
experiments  from  which  we  can  well  learn;  and 
surely  the  present  time  will  not  be  allowed 
to  pass,  until  artificial  and  unnatural  dis- 
abilities are  removed,  and  opportunity  be 
given  to  all  properly  qualified  citizens  to 
take  a  recognized  and  official  part  in  work 
which  already  they  share  and  often  largely 
influence. 

It  has  for  some  time  been  noteworthy  how 
far  more  eagerly  women  put  themselves  under 
educational  influences  than  do  men.  Of  the 
few  who  enter  professions,  or  become  Scholars, 
it  would  be  impertinent  to  speak;  I  speak  only 
of  the  average.  They  form  the  majority  of  an 
audience  at  any  lecture,  or  at  a  not  immediately 
professional  or  too  technical  opportunity  for 
receiving  education.  Their  minds  are  developing 
and  their  spirit  rising  to  an  unprecedented  extent. 
To  them  always  has  humanity  looked  for  train- 
ing in  its  youth:  to  them  it  will  be  looking  also 
for  training  in  its  age.  The  faults  of  emanci- 
pation and  the  exuberance  of  political  youth  may 
be  upon  them  just  now,  but  they  are  striving 
for  light,  they  are  pressing  towards  the  dawn, 
and  their  loud  and  sometimes  discordant  utter- 


240  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

ances   are  but   the   birth-pangs   of   a   sane   and 
noble  future. 

"For,  when  the  people  speaks  loudly,  it  is 
from  being  strongly  possessed  either  by  the 
Godhead  or  the  Demon;  and  he  who  cannot 
discover  the  true  spirit  from  the  false,  hath  no 
ear  for  profitable  communion." 


Imagine  for  a  moment  that,  when  peace  returns  to 
England,  we  could  retain  undiminished  that  sense  of 
unity  and  that  self-devotion  which  have  been  evoked 
by  war,  and  could  use  them  wisely  in  all  their  strength, 
if  only  for  ten  years,  to  make  England,  morally  and  so- 
cially, all  that  it  might  be.  Why,  it  might  become,  for 
itself,  almost  what  Shakespeare  called  it,  a  "second 
Eden,"  and^  for  others,  a  light  to  lighten  the  nations. 

— A.  C.  BRADLEY. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

CONCLUSION 

WE  live  in  great  and  invigorating  times, 
when  long-dormant  energies  are  set 
free,  and  revolutionary  changes  can  be 
made, — times  which  may  be  a  turning-point  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  If  so  the  cost  may 
be  justified:  though  the  full  cost,  direct  and 
indirect,  has  not  yet  been,  probably  cannot  be, 
estimated.  Toil  and  sacrifice,  grief  and  pain, 
are  always  necessary  and  inevitable  preparations 
for  a  period  of  special  development  and  spiritual 
outpouring.  The  Christian  revelation  itself  was 
not  accomplished  with  Calvary.  Gethsemane  pre- 
ceded Pentecost. 

Seers  and  sensitives  have  known  intuitively 
that  great  events  were  being  forshadowed,  they 
felt  the  coming  of  the  present  time,  and  have 
heralded  the  advent  of  a  new  era.  The  conflict 
is  not  solely  material,  the  whole  psychic  atmo- 
sphere is  troubled,  and  the  powers  of  good  are 
arrayed  against  the  forces  of  evil.  To  suppose 
that  human  powers  and  forces  exhaust  the  cate- 
gory, is  to  take  a  limited  and  purblind — a  strictly 
sensory — view  of  the  universe.  Mankind  is  co- 
operating with  higher  influences — either  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously — co-operating  on  both 

241 


242  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

sides;  and  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  evolution 
and  progress  of  humanity  on  this  planet  there  has 
been  real  risk  of  a  check  and  a  reverse.  Free- 
dom might  have  been  destroyed,  a  highly  organ- 
ized material  Kultur  might  have  assumed  sway, 
and  the  advance  of  humanity  in  a  spiritual 
direction  would  have  been  set  back  for  centuries. 
The  conflict  has  been  more  serious,  and  the  un- 
toward result  more  possible,  than  has  J^een 
widely  perceived.  Those  who  believe  in  a  Divine 
government  of  the  world  may  have  felt  assured 
that  all  would  be  well,  that  right  must  triumph 
in  the  end;  and  so  it  may,  but  the  victory  was 
far  from  certain:  there  were  times  when  the 
balance  terribly  oscillated.  Divine  government 
differs  intensely  from  simple  conceptions  of  it: 
it  does  not  act  as  the  natural  man  expects.  It 
is  not  overbearing  and  dominating,  but  persuasive 
and  auxiliary.  It  does  not  keep  things  right  by 
main  force,  nor  set  them  right  artificially.  It 
calls  continually  for  human  co-operation 
and  effort,  and  it  never  overpowers  or  chokes 
free  will. 

That  deadly  gift — symbolized  in  the  early 
chapters  of  Genesis  as  the  knowledge  of  good 
and  evil  and  the  power  of  conscious  choice 
between  them — is  no  pictorial  semblance  or 
imaginary  equipment:  it  is  real,  and  salutary, 
and  alarming.  At  any  moment  the  human  race 
might  have  decided  to  go  wrong,  or  by  weak- 
ness of  resistance  and  abstention  from  taking 
pains  might  allow  the  power  of  the  devil  to 
get  the  upper  hand.  There  was  a  real  risk,  a 
genuine  anxiety.  Help  was  available,  but  only 
in  response  to  heartfelt  longing,  only  accessible 


CONCLUSION  243 

to  the  demand  of  a  good  will.  It  becomes  active 
only  in  response  to  what  we  call  prayer.  Mental 
and  spiritual  supineness  would  have  left  us  de- 
pendent on  material  preparation  alone,  and  we 
should  have  been  overwhelmed  by  our  enemies. 

The  affairs  of  this  planet  are  surely  being 
more  and  more  handed  over  to  conscious 
humanity.  More  and  more  are  we  becoming  the 
guiding  and  directing  principle  in  this  sublunary 
sphere.  We  may  do  all  we  can,  exert  ourselves 
to  the  utmost,  and  then,  if  we  realize  our  lack 
of  sufficient  power  and  need  of  extra  help,  we 
may  ask  for  it.  It  will  not  be  forced  upon  us. 
Our  own  good  will  is  essential.  If  we  are  ready 
to  place  it  in  harmony  with  the  Divine  will — 
not  in  a  spirit  of  passivity  and  acquiescence 
alone,  but  of  work  and  effort  and  real  sym- 
pathetic exertion, — if  we  are  ready  to  enter  on 
that  service  which  never  enslaves  but  leaves 
us  in  perfect  freedom, — then  indeed  assistance 
is  forthcoming  and  we  cannot  be  finally 
overcome. 

Freedom  is  the  watchword  of  humanity,  this 
it  is  which  was  conferred  upon  us  by  Divine 
Charter  which  may  not  be  revoked.  With  all 
the  pains  and  penalties  attached,  we  have  it; 
and  if  we — poor  struggling  insects — determine 
madly  to  inflict  death  and  torture  on  each  other, 
we  may.  Not  God  nor  all  His  angels  will  stop 
us, — no,  not  though  we  inflict  scourging  and  ut- 
most horrors  on  the  incarnate  Son. 

People  ask  despairingly  sometimes  why  man- 
made  evils  are  permitted,  why,  if  Divine  inter- 
position is  a  reality,  they  are  not  stopped 
by  supernatural  force.  They  do  not  understand 


244  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

the  conditions.  Free-will,  for  better  for  worse, 
has  been  granted  to  the  human  race;  and  a 
Divine  Treaty  cannot  be  torn  up.  The  privilege 
has  been  granted  to  us  to  be  not  slaves  but 
sons;  the  long  education  of  history  to  this  end 
is  behind  us,  the  still  longer  education  of  the 
future  is  before  us;  and  not  only  for  indi- 
viduals but  for  the  whole  human  race  on  this 
planet,  if  it  chooses,  there  remains  a  magni- 
ficent era.  The  will  of  God  shall  yet  be  done 
on  earth,  some  day,  when  it  has  become  the 
human  will  likewise.  In  no  other  way  can  it 
be  done;  and  this  present  distress  is  moving  us 
all  nearer  to  the  time — long  looked  forward  to, 
and  alas!  still  distant,  but  approaching — when 
the  eyes  of  all  mankind  shall  be  open  to  spiritual 
truths,  when  all  shall  serve  Him  from  the  least 
to  the  greatest,  and  when  the  earth  shall  be 
full  of  the  knowledge  of  the  Lord  as  the  waters 
cover  the  sea. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

THE   WAR   AND   CHRISTIANITY 

An  Address  Delivered  in  the  Albert  Hall,  Notting- 
ham, England,  May  9,  1915 

THIS  has  been  called  an  age  of  materialism. 
During  the  latter  half  of  last  century  mate- 
rialistic philosophy  seemed  to  be  penetrating 
down  among  the  people.  It  was  becoming  discred- 
ited and  extinct  among  philosophers,  but  the  people 
are  often,  and  naturally,  a  little  behind  the  times  in 
picking  up  science,  philosophy,  or  any  new  subject ; 
partly,  I  think,  because  books  only  become  cheap 
when  the  copyright  has  expired,  so  that  they  be- 
come widespread  40  or  50  years  after  they  first 
appear. 

But  the  universe  has  distinctly  two  aspects — mat- 
ter and  spirit — and  a  right  appreciation  of  the  uni- 
verse will  attend  to  both  those  aspects.  Wisdom  lies 
in  appreciating  them  both  at  their  true  value  and 
recognising  due  proportion  between  them.  If  either 
is  dominant,  surely  it  should  be  the  higher — it 
should  be  spirit,  mind,  intelligence,  soul,  which  are 
not  material  things,  but  which  utilise  material 
things  for  their  manifestation.  We  ourselves  util- 

245 


246  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

ise  matter — the  matter  of  this  planet,  the  dust  of 
the  earth,  as  it  is  called  in  the  Old  Book — for  the 
purpose  of  manifesting  ourselves,  our  own  per- 
sonality, our  own  thoughts,  our  own  identity,  which 
are  not  material,  which  utilise  material  and  make  it 
subservient  to  our  needs. 

This  is  constantly  done  by  all  artists.  An  artist 
is  one  who  is  specially  skilful  in  utilising  matter  for 
purposes  of  thought,  of  beauty,  of  something  which 
he  cannot  otherwise  convey  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 
He  arranges  pigments,  or  he  carves  stone,  or  he 
erects  a  building,  or  he  makes  black  marks  on  a  piece 
of  paper,  and  the  result  is  a  painting,  a  statue,  a 
cathedral,  a  poem,  or  an  oratorio.  The  music  has 
to  be  incarnated  in  order  to  be  appreciated;  the 
poem  has  to  be  heard.  In  itself,  as  recorded,  in  its 
material  aspect  alone,  it  is  nothing  but  black  marks 
on  paper,  and  indeed  the  picture  is  nothing  but  cun- 
ningly arranged  chemical  material — pigments ;  and 
yet  what  a  soul  is  there  displayed,  what  emotions 
are  there  exhibited.  The  thought  of  the  artist,  the 
emotion  of  the  artist,  is  called  out,  not  in  the  mat- 
ter, but  in  the  receptive  soul  which  has  the  poten- 
tiality for  thoughts  and  ideas  not  wholly  dissimilar. 
When  we  visit  a  picture  gallery,  or  go  to  hear  music, 
we  carry  much  with  us  which  is  not  all  there  before 
we  go  in.  An  animal  would  see  nothing  at  all.  Some 
men  see  very  little  of  it.  Others  see  much  more. 
You  cannot  all  suppose  your  perception  of  these 
things  is  equal  to  that  of  some  great  person.  I  know 
that  some  people  have  a  far  keener  sense  of  beauty 
than  I  possess,  but  we  can  all  realise  from  our  small 
receptive  faculty  something  of  what  is  there  con- 
tained, and  thus  can  feel  something  over  again  of 
that  which  by  the  artist  was  felt  intensely. 


APPENDIX  247 

Matter  then,  is  used  by  mind,  and  we  ourselves 
are  so  conscious  of  the  material  world,  so  mixed  up 
in  it,  we  have  it  so  constantly  before  us,  that  it  has 
occasionally  been  found  possible  for  us  to  think  that 
nothing  else  exists;  that  the  material  world  is  the 
most  important  or,  indeed,  the  only  existing  thing. 
We  allow  matter  to  dominate  spirit,  instead  of  vice- 
versa.  The  right  process — the  process  of  evolution 
— is  to  rise  by  the  aid  of  these  material  obstacles  in 
the  grade  of  existence.  The  obstruction  which  mat- 
ter offers  to  the  artist  enables  him  to  put  forth  effort, 
calls  for  effort  on  the  part  of  all  of  us.  We  live  in  a 
world  where  things  are  not  easy.  This  utilisation  of 
matter  is  not  easy;  it  is  obstructive;  it  has  inertia. 
Difficulties  have  to  be  overcome,  and  this  is  good 
training  for  ourselves.  The  result  is  evolution — 
the  rising  on  stepping  stones  of  matter  to  higher 
things.  The  outcome  is  life,  more  life. 

But  there  is  the  liability  to  dominance  of  the  ma- 
terial. There  is  the  liability  for  machinery  to  be 
constructed  with  such  ingenuity,  such  power,  that 
it  turns  upon  the  man  who  has  made  it  and  rends 
him.  We  see  it  to-day.  We  see  the  dominance  of 
the  material.  War  by  mechanism — the  prostitution 
of  science  to  the  destruction  of  men,  the  infliction  of 
wounds  and  torture.  War  by  chemistry !  That  is 
not  what  chemistry  is  for. 

Germany  has  lent  itself  to  a  false  philosophy.  It 
has  thrown  over  the  philosophy  of  its  great  days. 
Don't  imagine  that  Kant,  Fichte,  and  Hegel  taught 
things  like  these.  No,  their  philosophy  has  been 
thrown  overboard.  A  new  philosophy  has  taken  its 
place,  and,  mind  you,  philosophy  has  much  more 
effect  on  people's  minds  and  lives  than  is  always 
suspected,  especially  by  the  British  nation.  Many 


248  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

British  people  think  they  have  not  got  a  philosophy. 
They  have,  although  they  don't  know  it.  Scottish 
people  have — and  they  generally  know  it. 

To  the  German  mind,  theory  and  philosophy  is 
the  great  thing.  They  were  learning  much.  They 
were  a  learned  nation,  a  peaceful  nation,  but  they 
have  gone  to  the  wrong  school.  The  success  of 
Prussia  in  war  has,  so  to  speak,  overpowered  them, 
rendered  them  temporarily  insane.  There  is  no 
other  word  for  it.  It  is  like  a  mad  dog  loose  in  the 
world,  and,  at  any  rate,  its  madness  must  be  exter- 
minated. It  is  horrible  to  think  of  the  machinery 
against  which  we  are  fighting,  and  we  have  to  use 
machinery  against  it — not,  I  hope,  of  the  most  dia- 
bolical kind.  But  it  is  pitiful  to  see  human  bodies 
subjected  to  these  forces  of  nature  which  we  have 
been  learning  to  understand  and  control  for  the  use 
of  humanity,  and  when  it  has  become  necessary  to 
use  them  for  the  destruction  of  humanity.  I  think 
it  is  only  want  of  knowledge  which  prevents  them 
from  exterminating  us  all.  I  really  don't  know 
where  they  would  stop.  It  has  been  a  sort  of  night- 
mare that  some  day  the  machinery  would  get  the  up- 
per hand  and  enslave  us.  Well,  we  must  take  care 
it  does  not. 

We  are  fighting  a  war  for  ideals,  for  freedom, 
for  free  nations,  whether  they  be  small  or  great ;  to 
allow  the  nations  of  the  world  to  develop  their  own 
originality,  their  own  powers,  to  give  us  the  benefit 
of  their  fine  work.  From  the  smaller  nations  have 
arisen  the  greatest  teachers.  Constantly  that  has 
happened.  The  service  of  a  nation  to  humanity  is 
not  reckoned  by  its  size  but  by  the  great  souls  which 
it  has  produced,  and  can  produce.  I  might  instance 


APPENDIX  249 

many,  but  I  will  just  mention  Syria  as  one  of  the 
nations.  What  would  the  world  be  without  that  ? 

The  German  idea  is  not  freedom  but  officialism, 
government,  dominance  of  the  State,  strict  obedi- 
ence, organisation,  government  by  officials.  The 
German  people  have  been  accustomed  to  specialis- 
ing, each  taking  up  his  own  subject  and  leaving  the 
rest  to  others — politics  to  politicians,  science  to 
scientists.  They  sub-divide  subjects,  they  specialise. 
Now  this  has  certain  advantages.  Organisation  is 
a  good  thing.  It  is  really  what  they  mean  by  the 
word  Kultur.  What  is  Kultur  ?  Everything  except 
culture.  It  really  is  the  organised  part  of  civilisa- 
tion with  the  soul  omitted.  The  Prussian  does  not 
care  for  beauty  or  art ;  he  goes  for  a  certain  definite 
kind  of  organisation,  and  he  believes  that  so  good 
has  it  been  up  to  now  and  so  successful,  that  he 
wishes  to  impose  it  upon  the  rest  of  the  world.  He 
has  imposed  upon  nobody;  he  has  exposed  himself. 
But  the  danger  is  that  whereas  we  have  been  ac- 
customed to  learn  from  Germany,  we  shall  cease 
to  learn.  We  ought  not  to  throw  away  the  good 
because  of  the  bad.  Their  material  efficiency  was 
good,  their  organisation  was  good — up  to  a  point: 
not  organisation  for  the  sake  of  organisation,  with- 
out a  soul,  but  organisation  as  an  aid  to  higher 
things.  The  mistake  was  to  treat  the  State  as  the 
highest  thing  in  heaven  or  on  earth,  nothing  above 
it — no  morality,  no  Deity.  They  use  the  name  God, 
but  what  they  mean  must  be  judged  by  the  fruits. 
It  is  practical  atheism  we  see  there. 

Efficiency  is  a  good  thing,  and  we  may  learn. 
We  must  try  to  continue  to  learn.  We  were  learn- 
ing a  good  deal  from  Germany.  They  are  now  in  a 
hurry,  and  would  drive  it  down  our  throats  by  force. 


250  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

By  force  we  will  not  receive  it.  Conversion  by  force 
is  not  conversion  at  all. 

The  essence  of  Christianity  is  sweet  reasonable- 
ness, as  Matthew  Arnold  says,  and  persuasion. 
That  is  the  way  religion  and  culture  ought  to  spread, 
but  if  anyone  has  a  system  of  philosophy  or  govern- 
ment, or  any  laws  which  bring  forth  fruits  worthy 
of  the  devil,  and  he  tries  to  cram  them  down  our 
throats  by  force,  then  the  Christian  must  stand 
up  and  say :  "It  shall  not  be  permitted,  and  if  you 
attempt  it  on  us  or  any  of  our  friends  we  will  resist 
you,  and,  by  God's  help,  we  will  conquer."  I  say 
this  is  a  Christian  attitude.  We  are  bound  to  re- 
sist the  devil. 

I  said  the  essence  of  Christianity  was  reasonable- 
ness and  persuasion.  It  is  also  that  the  weak  shall 
overcome  the  strong,  that  the  weak  things  of  this 
world  are  stronger  than  material  forces.  That  is 
anathema  to  the  Teutonic  mind,  but  let  Germany  see 
to  it  what  nation  it  is  that  in  the  long  run  will  be 
their  ruin.  Not  France,  not  England,  not  Russia, 
but  Belgium.  No,  they  are  revolting  against  their 
ancient  philosophy;  and  they  are  revolting  against 
Christianity.  The  idea  of  seeking  first  the  Kingdom 
of  God  and  His  righteousness  seems  to  them  mere 
foolishness.  They  are  seeking  world-power,  first, 
foremost,  and  alone.  The  people  are  miserably  de- 
ceived. 

I  think  that  for  the  German  people  we  should 
have  no  hatred.  It  is  difficult,  I  know.  I  think  we 
are  fighting  their  battles  too.  I  think  they  must  be 
emancipated  from  that  abominable  rule  and  ideas 
and  madness  which  has  seized  them.  I  trust  that 
the  nation  hereafter  will  resume  its  old  cultivated, 
peaceful,  simple  habits  of  life.  I  think  I  am  right 


APPENDIX  251 

in  saying  we  have  never  hated  them  because  they 
are  our  enemies.  We  have  been  eager  to  honour  any 
of  those  whose  acts  allowed  us  to  feel  that  senti- 
ment. Surely  we  have  been  struck  with  the  eager- 
ness of  the  nation  to  honour  say,  the  Captain  of 
the  Emden,  or  any  of  the  sailors  in  the  earlier  times 
of  the  war,  who  did  their  duty  like  men,  who  injured 
us  but  towards  whom  we  felt  no  malice. 

I  was  on  the  high  seas  in  a  vessel  which  was  in 
danger  from  the  Emden,  and  we  received  a  kind  of 
"friendly  message"  from  them — "where  are  you?" 
— in  English.  The  Captain  did  not  respond.  We 
picked  up  a  Captain  at  Bombay  who  had  responded, 
but  his  ship  had  gone  down.  We  were  in  danger 
from  the  Emden,  but  not  only  was  not  a  word  said 
against  the  Captain  but  there  was  no  feeling  against 
him.  He  was  felt  to  be  playing  the  game,  and  so 
long  as  the  foe  is  playing  the  game  there  is  some 
pleasure  in  fighting  him.  We  are  eager  to  recognise 
merit.  We  can  love  our  enemies,  by  which  is  meant 
honour  and  respect  the  foe,  and  you  see  that  by  our 
treatment  of  the  Boers  in  South  Africa.  Now  they 
are  our  very  good  friends.  We  can  make  no  terms 
with  evil  things.  If  people  behave  diabolically  we 
cannot  honour  them.  What  are  we  to  do  with 
them?  I  really  don't  know.  It  is  a  fearful  thing 
to  be  killing  people.  I  wish  there  was  some  other 
way,  but  it  has  got  to  be  settled. 

The  Brotherhood  Movement  is  a  great  movement 
throughout  the  world.  There  is  a  real  feeling  of 
brotherhood  among  the  workers  of  the  country. 
They  are  engaged  in  real  work  against  the  difficul- 
ties of  nature.  They  don't  want  to  be  fighting  each 
other;  there  are  plenty  of  difficulties  for  humanity 
to  contend  against  in  this  world.  It  is  a  pity  that 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

they  should  set  to  work  to  make  things  harder  for 
each  other. 

This  Brotherhood  Movement  was  spreading,  and 
I  hope  it  will  spread  again.  There  is  great  hope 
for  that,  for  the  future  of  humanity  and  for  real 
civilisation.  You  may  still  have  emulation.  Let  na- 
tions compete  fairly  and  squarely  as  in  football  or 
in  any  other  game.  You  want  to  win,  to  get  the 
better  of  the  other  side,  but  you  want  to  do  it  by 
fair  means.  You  don't  want  to  take  them  at  a  dis- 
advantage and  put  the  ball  between  the  posts  when 
they  are  not  looking,  or  put  it  there  in  the  night. 
The  object  is  to  put  it  there  while  they  are  doing 
their  best  to  stop  you.  You  don't  want  to  win  by 
other  means,  fair  or  foul,  or  to  win  a  prize  at  the 
loss  of  your  own  soul.  "What  shall  it  profit  a  man 
if  he  gain  the  whole  world  and  lose  his  soul?"  If 
the  Germans  won,  what  on  earth  would  be  the  good  ? 
I  marvel  at  the  madness  of  it.  To  think  that  any 
spread  of  civilisation  is  worth  all  this  torture  and 
torment,  not  only  to  their  foes  but  to  themselves. 
People  of  their  own  nation  are  sacrificed  too.  It  is 
a  striking  example  of  the  truth  of  that  ecclesiastical 
doctrine  we  sometimes  think  quite  wrong — the  im- 
portance of  belief;  the  danger  of  wrong  belief — 
that  if  you  believe  wrongly  you  will  be  damned. 
It  is  not  exactly  true  as  commonly  thought  of,  but 
there  is  a  great  truth  in  the  doctrine  that  wrong 
beliefs  are  deadly  to  conduct,  and  that  they  result 
in  the  kind  of  thing  we  see. 

I  hope  this  Brotherhood  Movement  will  spread, 
especially  to  that  great  country  Russia,  for  I  feel 
we  at  present  know  too  little  about  that  country, 
and  it  has  a  great  message  for  mankind.  Among 
the  peasantry  of  Russia  there  is  a  simple  kind  of 


APPENDIX  253 

Christianity  which  will  be  a  great  lesson  to  the  rest 
of  the  world;  for  we  find  in  their  writings — the 
writings  of  Tolstoy  and  others — an  unworldly  kind 
of  simplicity  of  which  we  have  too  little  and  of 
which  we  might  have  more. 

The  fighting  stage  is  a  stage  of  evolution  through 
which  we  have  to  pass.  It  is  not  a  lofty  stage,  but 
contest  of  tooth  and  claw  is  not  alien  to  the  progress 
of  the  world.  It  seems  to  be  part  of  the  Divine 
scheme,  strange  though  it  be.  We  had  hoped  as 
human  beings  we  were  getting  beyond  that  savage 
stage,  and  we  must  use  every  effort  to  get  beyond 
it  hereafter.  But  we  have  learnt  painfully  that  we 
are  not  yet  completely  through  with  it. 

Some  people  are  puzzled  by  the  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance.  They  think  non-resistance  is  the  Chris- 
tian attitude,  and  it  is  not  surprising  they  should 
think  so.  But  let  me  say  a  word,  as  my  subject  is 
"The  War  and  Christianity,"  about  that  difficult 
matter  of  non-resistance — turning  the  other  cheek. 
We  must  remember  in  the  first  instance  that  in 
the  time  of  Christ  there  happened  to  be  no  war  go- 
ing on  in  the  world — it  was  one  of  the  few  peaceful 
periods  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Wars 
were  over  for  the  time  being,  and  the  people  had 
settled  down,  and  when  it  came  to  a  question  of  in- 
ternational politics  Jesus  Christ  was  able  to  say: 
"Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's." 
He  also  taught  that  in  case  of  personal  injury  we 
should  do  well  if  we  suffered  it  rather  than  re- 
taliated, and  I  think  that  is  Christian  counsel,  diffi- 
cult as  it  may  be  to  follow,  for  personal  offences. 
At  any  rate  that  has  been  taught  by  great  saints, 
and  it  has  had  a  splendid  effect  upon  the  would-be 
criminal. 


254  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Prince  Kropotkin,  who  has  been  some  time  in 
England,  and,  I  believe,  is  now  ill,  was  banished 
from  Russia  long  ago  for  his  opinions.  They  were 
of  the  peaceful,  non-resisting  character — a  good 
man  if  ever  there  was  one.  He  had  been  in  a  Rus- 
sian prison  for  a  year  or  two,  and  then  he  got  to 
England.  He  was  challenged  about  his  views.  I 
heard  a  young  man  say  to  him :  "And  do  you  mean 
to  say,  if  a  man  stole  your  watch,  you  would  not 
have  him  put  in  prison?"  Prince  Kropotkin  re- 
plied: "No,  no  more  would  you  if  you  had  been  in 


one." 


You  are  within  your  rights  not  to  prosecute, 
and  I  am  sure  there  are  many  cases  in  this  country 
where  the  first  offence  has  been  overlooked,  or  has 
been  forgiven,  with  great  difficulty.  Human  nature 
is  a  complex  thing,  and  if  you  can  get  at  the  good 
underlying  it,  it  is  worth  a  little  loss.  That  is  what 
people  of  great  personality  can  do.  Their  suffer- 
ing of  loss  is  more  effective  than  active  resistance. 
It  has  often  been  so,  but  that  is  a  totally  different 
thing  from  not  standing  up  when  you  see  wrong 
being  done,  the  helpless  being  assaulted,  crimes  be- 
ing committed.  We  have  no  right  to  stand  aside 
then  and  say:  "Let  things  take  their  course." 

When  you  see  wrong  being  committed,  and  you 
have  power  to  defend  the  helpless,  you  would  not 
be  a  human  being  if  you  did  not  try  and  see  what 
you  could  do.  See  what  Christ  Himself  did  in  the 
temple  when  He  saw  wrong  being  done.  Did  He 
hold  up  His  hands  in  horror  and  say,  "I  am  only 
one  in  this  hostile  city  of  Jerusalem"?  No,  He 
made  Himself  a  whip  and  turned  them  out.  When 
you  have  a  personality  like  that,  people  succumb. 
You  have  no  need  to  use  much  violence.  Personal- 


APPENDIX  255 

ity  is  the  kind  of  asset  the  English  nation  had  in 
the  days  of  Cromwell  when  it  was  respected  on 
the  continent  in  a  way  it  never  had  been,  or  has 
been  since. 

The  Duke  of  Piedmont  was  massacring  the 
Waldenses,  and  Cromwell  sent  him  a  letter.  Mil- 
ton wrote  it,  but  Cromwell  told  him  the  kind  of 
thing  to  say.  It  amounted  to  this:  If  you  don't 
stop,  I  will  come  and  make  you.  The  persecution 
ceased,  and  Cromwell  never  struck  a  blow  on  the 
continent  of  Europe.  It  was  because  he  was  a  man 
of  his  word.  He  would  stick  at  nothing  for  the 
Lord  of  Hosts. 

I  would,  as  in  the  days  of  Lincoln  it  would  have 
been,  I  would  that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  had  done 
something  serious  when  international  crime  was 
committed.  If  the  neutral  nations  do  not  stand  up 
for  international  law,  who  is  to  stand  up  for  it? 

The  combatants  are  doing  all  they  can.  America 
may  do  something  now  that  some  of  her  citizens 
have  been  lost,  but  I  would  rather  they  had  come 
forward,  for  the  honour  of  the  English-speaking 
race,  at  an  earlier  time  when  it  had  not  personally 
affected  them. 

Let  me  further  speak  about  the  attitude  of  Christ 
as  we  learn  it  in  the  New  Testament.  I  have  only 
given  one  instance — the  instance  of  cleansing  the 
temple.  There  were  many  instances  when  He  de- 
nounced evil  in  terms  of  the  utmost  strength.  When 
He  said:  "It  were  better  for  him  were  a  mill- 
stone hung  about  his  neck,"  He  meant  that  no  bod- 
ily harm  that  could  be  inflicted  upon  him  was  to  be 
mentioned  in  view  of  the  fate  which  was  really  in 
store  for  him.  Yes,  He  was  here  to  show  us  attri- 
butes of  Deity  which  we  might  have  missed.  The 


256  THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

attributes  of  severity  were  not  likely  to  be  missed; 
the  attributes  of  sympathy  and  love  were  empha- 
sised, because  they  were,  so  to  speak,  new  to  human- 
ity but  the  others  were  in  the  background  all  the 
time.  "Fear  not  those  who  are  able  to  slay  the 
body,  but  those  who  can  cast  body  and  soul  into 
hell."  He  said,  "Yea,  I  say  unto  you,  fear  Him!" 

Therefore  I  hold  that  when  there  is  evil  rampant 
in  the  world  it  is  to  be  attacked  by  every  means  in 
our  power,  and  we  are  honoured  by  being  among 
the  agents  utilised  to  attack  it.  Do  let  us  be  unani- 
mous in  this  matter.  Don't  let  us  have  trade  dis- 
putes or  any  other  thing — it  gives  occasion  to  the 
enemy  to  blaspheme — I  mean  the  enemy  of  labour 
movements  and  of  brotherhood.  I  know  there  is 
much  to  be  said,  but  let  it  all  be  said  in  some  other 
way  and  at  some  other  time. 

Here  are  the  men  sacrificing  themselves  in  the 
trenches.  We  must  help  them  all  we  can.  Noble 
men  they  are,  and  of  what  class  are  the<y?  All 
precisely  of  the  class  of  those  engaged  in  making 
the  goods.  It  shows  that  something  is  not  right 
in  the  industrial  world.  I  know  that.  It  is  not 
really  lack  of  patriotism  on  the  part  of  the  best.  It 
is  thoughtlessness  on  the  part  of  some.  I  know 
men  who  have  sons  at  the  front  and  yet  who  feel 
they  will  not  over  exert  themselves  for  what  they 
call  a  greedy  employer.  I  hope  all  that  is  settling 
down  now.  I  think  it  is.  I  think  the  Labour  lead- 
ers and  the  men  themselves  fully  realise  the  need 
for  bringing  this  war  to  an  end  before  going  in  for 
social  progress.  Nevertheless,  some  of  the  things 
going  on  now  are  enough  to  make  one's  blood  boil. 
We  hear  of  trains  for  racing  people  holding  up  the 
movements  of  troops  and  officers.  Think  of  using 


APPENDIX  257 

trains  on  the  South-Western  line — our  main  ave- 
nue to  the  front — for  such  purposes  as  that! 

Recreation,  exercise,  personal  games — all  these 
should  go  on.  We  must  keep  in  health,  we  must 
keep  well,  but  professional  games,  gambling — these 
and  other  things  which  we  know  of  and  of  which 
we  are  ashamed,  surely,  in  this  national  emergency, 
should  stop.  We  are  fighting  diabolical  powers, 
and  if  the  grace  of  God  is  not  with  us,  we  shall 
be  overcome. 

Deeds  are  the  test  of  faith  at  the  present  time, 
and  what  is  to  be  the  outcome  of  it  all?  We  must 
not  expect  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth  immediate- 
ly. The  outcome  must  depend  upon  the  progress 
we  have  made  during  peace.  We  have  been  pro- 
gressing. Much  still  remains  to  be  done.  We  must 
stop  some  of  this  game  of  party  politics,  for  it  is  a 
game,  and  people  come  into  it  for  a  career.  The 
national  work  is  too  serious  for  that.  Some  of  the 
speeches  made  to  constituents  are  a  sort  of  con- 
tempt of  Court.  We  must  keep  politicians  to  their 
work,  to  clear  away  the  abuse,  to  defend  the  weak, 
to  stand  up  for  the  helpless,  to  love  the  brother- 
hood. 

All  these  social  reforms  are  part  of  Christ's 
cause.  He  was  the  highest  revelation  of  God  we 
have  had  on  the  earth.  The  call  to  all  of  us  is — 
Back  to  Christ !  I  cannot  tell  you  how  keenly  and 
strongly  I  feel  the  need  for  the  better  understand- 
ing, the  fuller  following  of  that  great  Personality. 
And  may  He  hasten  the  day  when  His  kingdom 
shall  come  and  when  His  will  shall  be  done  on  earth 
as  it  is  in  heaven. 


INDEX  TO  QUOTATIONS 


PAGE 

7    "The  fact  that  the  sense  of 

community" 
7    "the    essential    principle"    „ 


7  "The    binding    cord"    . 

8  "Let    us    together" 

8  "We   may   reasonably   hail" 

9  "All  ages,  all  the  wise" 

12    "All   men,   at   least   here  in 

England" 
21     "The   idea,   peculiar   to   the 

nineteenth  century" 

24  "No      cultured      European 

nation" 

25  "Consequently       we       und 

Machiavelli" 
29    "notre  force" 

29    "Divine  must  be" 

33    "The  sword,  as  the  sword" 

33  "by     the  soul  Only"    , 

34  "Prussian       victories       are 

secured" 

43    "Everything   which    is    des- 
perately immoral" 
61     "a  kind  of   instinct". 

65    "In   academic   circles" 


77  "Happy      are      all      free 

nations" 

78  "Our   wills  are  ours" 


Kant.       E.       Caird's       Critical 

Philosophy    of    Kant,   ii.    350 
Prof.  J.   H.  Muirhead,  German 

Philosophy  in  Relation  to  the 

War 
Hegel,        Phil.        of        Right, 

p.   245    n. 
Hegel,     quoted     by     E.     Caird, 

p.  78 
Kant,  Religion  within  the  Limits 

of  Reason,  Pt.  III. 
Fichte,    I4th   Address,   fin. 
Von    Hiigel,    The   Quest,   April 

I9IS 
Bergson,  Hibbert  Journal,  April 

1915 
Prof.     Cramb,     Germany     and 

England 
E.  de  Selincourt,  English  Poets 

and  the  National  Ideal 
Verhaeren,          La          Multiple 

Splendeur 

Wordsworth,  Sonnet  xxvi. 
Wordsworth,    Letter    to    Capt. 

Pasley,  1811 
Wordsworth,  Sonnet  xi. 
Nietzsche,     Thoughts     out     of 

Season 
Wordsworth,   pamphlet  on   The 

Convention   of  Cintra,   1809 
Emerson,  English  Traits.  Speech 

at  Manchester 
Prof.   W.   J.   Ashley's  pamphlet 

The    War   and   its   Economic 

Aspects 
Mrs.      Browning,      The     Court 

Lady 

Tennyson,  In  Memoriam  (Intro- 
ductory Section) 


245 


246 

PAGB 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 


80    Influence  of  calm  weather 


89    "We  look  around  upon  the 
larger  life" 

97    "Statesmanship    would    be 
easy" 

103  "These      war-lovers      are 

creatures" 

104  "The  State  is  no  academy" 

107  "As  long  as  guilty  actions 
thrive" 

no  "Everywhere  Germans 

were  welcomed" 

115  "Some  of  their  own  mili- 
tarist fanatics" 

131     "Shall   I   not   visit"    . 

137  "We  have  seen  our 
enemies" 

140    "Blow  out,  you  bugles" 

140  "To  you,  young  men" 

141  "When  history  records" 
141    "much  remains  to  conquer 

still" 

147  "Unto  each  man  his  handi- 
work" 


165  "Commerce  is  an  occupa- 
tion" 

169  "When  a  man  chooses  for 
himself"  and  "Liberty 
has  its  price" 

176  "For  years  attention  has 
been  called" 

178    "God  save  the  people" 

185    "Tomorrow's  uprising" 


189    "But  who  shall  so  forecast 

the  years" 
192    "The  word  'honour'  when 

applied" 


Plotinus,  Enn.  v.  2-3,  quoted  by 
Myers  in  Human  Personality, 
vol.  ii.  p.  291 

Wordsworth,  Immortality 

Tennyson,  In  Mem.,  xcv. 

Sir  Henry  Jones,  The  Im- 
manence of  God  and  the 
Individuality  of  Man 

"The  Comments  of  Bagshot," 
Westminster  Gazette,  1908 
(probably  by  Mr.  Spender) 

H.  G.  Wells,  The  Peace  of  the 
World,  p.  19 

Treitschke,  Lectures  on,  Poli- 
tics 

Wordsworth,  The  Convention  of 
Cintra 

Science  Progress,  April  1915 

A.  Glutton- Brock,  Thoughts  on 

the  War 
Jer.  v.  29 
The  Arbitrator,  May  1915 

Rupert  Brooke,  Fugitive  Pieces. 

See  also  p.  92 
Lowes      Dickinson,      pamphlet, 

After  the  War,  p.  18 
E.  de  Selincourt 
Milton,   To  Cromwell 

Swinburne,  Songs  before  Sun- 
rise, "Super  Flumina  Babylo- 
nis."  The  special  reference 
is  to  Mazzini 

Ruskin,  Unto  This  Last 

E.  de  Selincourt,  English  Poets 
and  the  National  Ideal 

The  New  Statesman,  April   10, 

1915 
Ebenezer        Elliott,        People's 

Anthem 
William   Morris,  Poems  by   the 

Way,   "The    Message   of    the 

March   Wind" 
Tennyson,  In  Memoriam,  I. 

Looking  towards  Peace,  issued 
by  Society  of  Friends 


INDEX  TO  QUOTATIONS 


247 


PAGE 

192    "The    man   who    feels   no 

regret" 

204    "And  here  is  a  lesson" 
204    "If  after  being  released"  . 

206  "How  can  we  have  time 
for  war?" 

217  "The  first  end  to  be  se- 
cured" 

219  "Modern  Germany  has 
made  obvious" 

222  "no  nation  has  paid  more 
dearly" 

227    "Tasks  in  hours  of  insight" 

240  "For,  when  the  people 
speaks" 


Wordsworth,  The  Convention  of 

Cintra 
Dr.  Sarolea 
Milton.  Second  Defence  of  the 

People  of  England 
A.  Clutton-Brock,   Thoughts  on 

the  War,  p.  85 
Wordsworth,  The  Convention  of 

Cintra 
Count      Hermann      Keyserling, 

Hibbert  Journal,  April  1915 
Dr.  Sarolea,  The  Anglo-German 

Problem   (1912) 
Matthew  Arnold,  Morality 
Wordsworth,  The  Convention  of 

Cintra 


INDEX 


Abbe  Noel,  30 

Advent,  213 

Advertisements,  229 

Agents,   130 

American  help,  106,  121-123,  155 

Armenia,  32,  79,  96,   124 

Arnold,   Matthew,  92,  227 

Artists,    18 

Ashley,  Professor  W.  J.,  65 

Asquith,  Rt.  Hon.  H.,  209 

Atheism,  22,  59,  94 

Austria,  vii,  33,  79,  220 

Baal,  52.    See  Devil  worship 
"Bagshot,"  42,  97,  195 
Barbarism,  116.    See  Savagery 
Bargaining,    137 
Beck,  Hon.  J.  M.,  vi 
Beethoven,  51 
Begbie,  Harold,  87,  133 
Belgian  neutrality,    112 
Belgium,  29,  30,  50,  52,  76,  102, 

114,  217 

Bennett,  Arnold,  103 
Bereavement,  86 
Bergson,  20 
Bernhardi,  68,  69 
Birth  of  Christ,  213 
Blatchford,  Robert,  183 
Bourtzeff,  207 
Boycotting,  121,  155,  156 
Boy  Scout,  145,  152,  175 
Bradley,  A.  C,  44,  240 
Brereton,  Cloudesley,  223 
British  Empire,  54,  75 
British  Fleet,  210 
Brooke,  Rupert,  95,  138 
Brotherhood,  124,  187 
Browning,   155 
Browning,  E.  B.,  77,  193 
Brutality,  113.    See  Savagery 


249 


Bryce,  Viscount,  211 
Bulgaria,  32,  96,  124,  214,  224 
Bureaucracy,    72,    81 

Cadbury,  Edward,  178 
Calm  weather,  80 
Carlyle,  42 

Carpenter,  Edward,  176,  207 
Cathedrals,   185,   186 
Cavendish,  198 
Chamberlain,  Austen,  49 
Chambers,  T.   G.,  58 
Christendom,  25,  45,  125,  146 
Christianity,   136,  241 
Civilian  organization,   151-7 
Civilization,  88 
Clutton-Brock,  63,  64,  205 
Coleridge,  171 
Colonization,  55,  71-73 
Commerce,  neutral,  101 
Constantinople,  216,  224 
Co-operation,  67,  203,  242 
Cotton,  101 
Cowardice,  113 
Cramb,  Prof.,  23,  26,  77,  78 
Creative  thought,  18 
Cromwell,   31 
Cycles  of  recurrence,  16,  17,  89 

Dardanelles,  216 
Darwinism,   56-59 
Democracy,  159,  234 
Denmark,  33,  80 
Denunciations,  128 
Derby,  Lord,   176 
Despotism,  79 
Determinism,  20 
Devil-worship,  30,  52,  94 
Dickinson,  Lowes,  140,  168 
Diplomacy,  69,  191 
Disarmament,  203 


250 


THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 


Dislike,  78 
Dostoevski,  223 
Drink,  171,  183 
Dulness,  144,  149,  172 

Earthquakes,  85,  99 
Education,  63,  160,  194,  200,  239 
Efficiency,  90,  156,  160,  199,  201 
Eliot,  Dr.,  106 
Emerson,  61,  70 
Environment,  58,  234 
Ether,  19 

Fallacies,  56-61 
Faraday,  90,  198,  233 
Federation,  53 
Fichte,  8,  194 
Fisher,  H.  A.  L.,  212 
Fiume,  215 
Footbah,  117,  125 
Forth  Bridge,  185 
Frankland,  Prof.  P.,  199,  201 
Frederick  II,  68,  79 
Freedom,  49,  207,  243 
Free  Trade,  210 

Galsworthy,  119 
Garibaldi,  100 
Genius,  undiscovered,  232 
German  Colonies,  221 
German  Empire,  216,  220 
German  Navy,  221 
German  science,  51,  199,  201 
Germany,  old,  3,  55 
Gilbert,  79 
Gladstone,   76 
Goethe,  51 

Goldschmidt,  Dr.  E.,  51 
Goodwill,  124 
Graham,  Stephen,  223 
Greece,  224 
Green,  T.  H.,  144 
Grey,  Sir  Edward,  124 

Haeckel,  20,  23 
Hate,  134 
Hegel,  7 
Heine,  23 

Heligoland,  220,  224 
Helmholtz,  51 
Heroism,  144 


Hertz,  51 

Holstein,  33,  218,  220 

Homicidal  mania,  87 

Honour,   31,   69,    HI,    113,    122, 

133,  189,  192 

Hiigel,  Baron  von,  10,  n,  71,  72 
Hugo,  Victor,  86 
Humour,  114 
Hypocrisy,  46,  78,  79,  134 

Ideals,  49 

India,  72 

Indignation,  130 

Infant  mortality,  167,  237 

International  police,  152,  153 

Invasion,  102 

Italy,  loo,  no,  216 

/'Accuse,  135,  136 

James,  Henry,  75 

Jones,  Prof.  Sir  H.,  5 

Jordan,  Starr,  168 

Joy  in  work,  185 

Kaiser,  10,  79,  82,  115 

Kant,  5,  6,  8 

Keane,  Dr.  A.  H.,  10 

Keyserling,  Count  Hermann,  184 

Kiel  Canal,  220,  224 

King  David,  78 

Kropotkin,  Prince,  118 

Kultur,  92,  94,  95,  103,  195 

Labour,   165,  171,  173,   176,   178, 

185,  235 

Labour  members,  124 
Labour  Party,  187 
Labour  troubles,  162 
Lankester,  Sir  E.  Ray,  51 
Leisure,  234 
Liberty,  170 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  105 
Lister,  123 
London,  228 
Louvain,  23 
Lunacy,  87 
Lusitania,  94,  99 
Lyttelton,  Hon.  E.,  75 

.Macedonia,  32,  96 
Machiavelli,  n,  25 
Machinery,  19,  236 


INDEX 


251 


March- Phillips,  Lisle,  185 

Mazzini,  101,  147,  193 

Megalomania,  87 

Mercenaries,  97 

Militarism,   175 

Milton,  31,  109,  117,  142,  183,  204, 

207 

Modern  war,  150 
Mohammedanism,  26 
Mommsen,  34 
Mons,  27 

Morris,  William,  177,  185 
Motherhood,  237 
Muirhead,  Prof.  J.  H.,  4,  5,  14 
Murray,  Prof.  Gilbert,  x 

Naboth's  vineyard,  33 
Nansen,  212 
Napoleon,  26,  38,  47 
National  anthem,  121 
Nationality,  193 
Neutral  commerce,  101 
Nietzsche,  34-42,  115,  144 
Nightingale,  Florence,  238 
Non-resistance,  118,  136 

Organization.    See  Efficiency 
Outcome,  143 

Pacifism,  126-30,  136 

Palestine,  213,  224,  225 

Palmerston,  66 

Party  politics,  146,  230-33 

Peace  conference,  n 

Picton,  Harold,  49 

Pilate,  128 

Planck,   Prof,  von,  51 

Plotinus,  80 

Plunkett,  Sir  Horace,  167 

Poison  gases,  90 

Poland,  79,  221 

Professors,  German,  132 

Prussia,  79,  219 

Ramsay,  Sir  W.,  in 
Recruiting,  98 
Red  Cross  movement,  228 
Relativity,  principle  of,  51 
Religion,   25,   26,   47,   77 
Revelation,  129,  241 


Rheims,  186 

Ring  and  the  Book,  154 
Roberts,  Lord,  55 
Roosevelt,   105 
Roumania,  214,  224 
Royal  Institution,  198 
Ruskin,  146,  157 
Russia,  79,  216,  221 

Sarolea,  Dr.  C,  vi,  68,  70,  71,  81, 

102,  108,  204,  218 
Savagery,  3,  94,  109,  113,  214 
Saving,    182 

Schleswig.    See  Holstein 
Science,   neglect  of,   196-201 
Sedgwick,  Mrs.,  114 
Self-interest,  96,  99 
Selincourt,  Prof,  de,  2,  25,  141, 

169 

Serbia,  215,  224 
Shakespeare,  84,  108 
Shaw,  Bernard,  38,  96,  145,  167 
Sheep-fold  parable,  127 
Shepherds  and  Wise  Men,  213 
Shipwrecks,  85 
Sidney,  123 
Simplicity,  191 
Small  nations,  209,  211,  212 
Smyrna,   224 
Social   experiment,  213 
Socialists,   187 
Speeding  up,  236 
Struggle  for  existence,  56 
Sullivan,  79 
Sully,   Prof.,  65 
Suppuration,   123 
Swinburne,   147 
Syria,  224 

Tante,  114 

Taube,  80 

Temple  cleansing,  120,  124,  127 

Temptation,  94 

Tennyson,  54,  78,  80 

Thackeray,  66 

Thrift,  179 

Titanic,  99 

Tolstoy,  223 

Treitschke,  26,  28,  77,  78 

Tribulation,   137 

Tyrolese,  xi,  33,   104 


252                   THE  WAR  AND  AFTER 

Unfair  practices,  117  Webb,  Sidney,  167 

Union,  53  Weekly  wage,   180 

Unjust  steward,  94,  196  Wells,  H.  G.,  103 

Wise  Men  and  shepherds,  213 

VemVelo,    ™  Wolff'  K"   F"  $»  39 

Vemzelos,  224  Women,  position  of,  238 

VSSSS  Is  Wordsworth,  vi,  29,  43,  81,  107, 

-rs'  ^  123,  217,  240 

Workers'    Educational   Associa- 

Waldenses,  31  tion,  ix,  62 
War  Loan,  182 

Watt,  James,  233  Zeppelins,  80 


DC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


A    001  433  222    5 


